Denikin, Anton Ivanovich

Anton Ivanovich Denikin was born on December 4 (16), 1872 in the village of Shpetal Dolny ^[7] , in the Havlin suburb of Wloclawek , the county town of the Warsaw province of the Russian Empire , in the family of a retired major border guard.

Origin

Father, Ivan Efimovich Denikin (1807-1885), came from the serfs of the Saratov province . The landowner gave Denikin's young father recruits . After 22 years of military service, he was able to curry favor with officers, then made a military career and retired in 1869 with the rank of major. As a result, he served in the army for 35 years, participated in the Hungarian , Crimean and Polish campaigns ^[8] .

Mother, Elizaveta Fyodorovna (Elzhbeta Franciskovna) Wrzeszynska ^[8] (1843-1916) ^[9] - Polish by nationality, from a family of impoverished small landowners (fractional gentry) ^[9] .

Denikin’s biographer Dmitry Lekhovich noted that he, as one of the leaders of the anti-communist struggle, was without a doubt more of a “proletarian origin” than his future opponents - Lenin , Trotsky and many others ^[8] .

Childhood and Youth

December 25, 1872 ( January 6, 1873 ), at the age of three weeks, was baptized by his father in Orthodoxy ^[4] . At four, a gifted boy learned to read fluently ^[10] ; From childhood, he was fluent in Russian and Polish ^{[11] [12]} . The Denikins family lived poorly and existed on the retirement of their father in the amount of 36 rubles per month. Denikin was brought up "in Russianness and Orthodoxy ." The father was a deeply religious person, he was always at church services and took his son with him. From childhood, Anton began to serve at the altar , sing on the choir , beat the bell, and later read the sixth psalm and the Apostle . Sometimes he went to church with his mother, who professed Catholicism . Lekhovich writes that Anton Denikin in the local modest regimental church perceived the Orthodox service as “his own, dear, close,” and the Catholic as an interesting sight ^[8] . In 1882, at the age of 9, Denikin passed the entrance exam in the first grade of the Wloclaw real school . After the death of his father in 1885, the Denikin family became even more difficult to live, since the pension fell to 20 rubles a month, and at 13, Anton began to work as a tutor, preparing second-graders, for which he had 12 rubles a month. The student Denikin demonstrated particular successes in the study of mathematics ^[12] . At the age of 15, he, as a diligent student, was assigned his own student support of 20 rubles and granted the right to live in a student apartment of eight students, where he was appointed senior ^{[8] [11]} . Later, Denikin lived outside the house and studied at a real school located in the nearby town of Lovici ^[8] .

Start of military service

Since childhood, he dreamed of following in his father's footsteps and enlisting in the military. In 1890, after graduating from the Lovici real school, he was enlisted as a volunteer in the 1st Infantry Regiment , spent three months in the barracks in Plock ^[13] and in June ^{[11] of} the same year he was admitted to the Kiev infantry cadet school for a military school course . After completing a two-year course at the school, on August 4 (16), 1892 ^{[11] he} was promoted to second lieutenant and assigned to the 2nd artillery brigade, stationed in the county town of Bela, Siedła County, 159 miles from Warsaw . He expressed his stay in Bel as a typical parking lot for most military units abandoned in the outbacks of Warsaw , Vilensky , and partly Kiev military districts ^[8] .

In 1892, 20-year-old Denikin was invited to hunt wild boars . During this hunt, he happened to kill an angry boar, which drove a certain tax inspector Vasily Chizh, who also took part in the hunt and was considered an experienced local hunter, onto a tree. After this incident, Denikin was invited to the christening of the daughter of Vasily Chizh Ksenia , who was born a few weeks ago, and became a friend of this family. Three years later, he presented Xenia with a doll for Christmas , in which his eyes opened and closed. The girl remembered this gift for a long time. Many years later, in 1918, when Denikin had already led the Volunteer Army , Ksenia Chizh became his wife ^[8] .

General Staff Academy

In the summer of 1895, after several years of preparation, he went to St. Petersburg , where he passed the competitive exam at the Nikolaev Academy of the General Staff . At the end of the first year of study, he was expelled from the academy for failing an exam in the history of military art, but three months later he passed the exam and was again enrolled in the first year of the academy ^[14] . The next few years he studied in the capital of the Russian Empire. Here, among the students of the Academy, he was invited to a reception at the Winter Palace and first saw Nicholas II . In the spring of 1899, at the end of the course, he was promoted to captain ^[14] , but on the eve of his graduation, the new head of the academy, General Nikolai Sukhotin (friend of the Minister of War Alexei Kuropatkin ) arbitrarily changed the lists of graduates who were assigned to the General Staff, as a result of which the provincial officer Denikin was not their number. I took advantage of the right granted by the charter: I filed a complaint against General Sukhotin “against the Highest Name” (Sovereign Emperor). Despite the fact that the academic conference convened by the Minister of War recognized the general’s actions as unlawful, they tried to hush up the case, and Denikin was asked to take away the complaint and write instead a petition for mercy, which they promised to satisfy and rank the officer on the General Staff. To this he replied: “I do not ask for mercy. I seek only what belongs to me by right. ” As a result, the complaint was rejected, and Denikin was not ranked among the General Staff “for character!” ^[8] .

He showed a penchant for poetry and journalism. In his childhood, he sent his poems to the Niva magazine and was very upset that they had not been published and that they hadn’t answered him, as a result of which Denikin concluded that “poetry is not serious.” He later began to write in prose. In 1898, his story was first published in the Scout magazine , and then Denikin was published in the Warsaw Diary . It was published under the pseudonym Ivan Nochin ^[15] and wrote mainly on the subject of army life ^[8] .

In 1900 he returned to Bela, where he again served in the 2nd artillery brigade until 1902 ^[9] . Two years after the completion of the General Staff Academy, he wrote a letter to Kuropatkin asking him to understand his long-standing situation. Kuropatkin received a letter and during the next audience with Nikolai the Second “expressed regret that he had acted unjustly and asked for orders” to enlist Denikin as an officer of the General Staff, which took place in the summer of 1902 ^[11] . After that, in front of Denikin, according to the historian Ivan Kozlov , a bright future opened up ^[16] . In the early days of January 1902, he left Bela and was admitted to the headquarters of the 2nd Infantry Division, located in Brest-Litovsk , where he was assigned one year command of the company of the 183rd Pultus Regiment , located in Warsaw ^[13] . From time to time, Denikin’s company was appointed to guard the “Tenth Pavilion” of the Warsaw Fortress , which contained especially dangerous political criminals, including the future head of the Polish state, Jozef Pilsudski ^{[13] [17]} . In October 1903 ^[14] , at the end of the qualification period of command, he was transferred to the adjutants of the 2nd cavalry corps located here, where he served until 1904 ^[9] .

In the Russo-Japanese War

In January 1904, under the captain Denikin, who served in Warsaw, a horse fell, his foot got stuck in a stirrup, and a fallen horse, rising, dragged him a hundred meters, and he tore the ligaments and dislocated his toes. The regiment in which Denikin served did not advance to war, but on February 14 (27), 1904, the captain obtained personal permission to be seconded to the army. February 17 ( March 1 ), 1904, while still limping, he left for a train to Moscow, from where he was to get to Harbin . In the same train, Admiral Stepan Makarov and General Pavel Rennenkampf went to the Far East . On March 5 (18), 1904, Denikin descended to Harbin ^[13] .

At the end of February 1904 ^[14] , even before arrival, he was appointed chief of staff of the 3rd Brigade ^{[17] of the} Zaamur District of the Separate Corps of the Border Guard, which stood in the rear and clashed with Chinese robber detachments of the Hunhus . In September, he received the post of officer for assignments at the headquarters of the 8th corps of the Manchurian Army. Then he returned to Harbin and from there on October 28 ( November 10 ), 1904, already with the rank of lieutenant colonel ^{[14] he} was sent to Tsinghechen in the Eastern detachment and assumed the post of chief of staff of the Transbaikal Cossack Division, General Rennenkampf ^[17] . The first combat experience was gained during the Tsinghechen battle on November 19 ( December 2 ), 1904 ^[8] . One of the hills of the battlefield went down in military history under the name "Denikinskaya" for the Japanese offensive repelled by bayonets ^{[8] [17]} . In December 1904 he participated in enhanced intelligence. His forces, twice knocking down the advanced parts of the Japanese, went out to Jiangchang. At the head of an independent detachment, he threw the Japanese from the Wantselin pass ^[17] . In February - March 1905 he participated in the battle of Mukden . Shortly before this battle, on December 18 (31), 1904 ^[14] , he was appointed chief of staff of the Ural-Transbaikal Division, General Mishchenko , who specialized in horse raids behind enemy lines (See Raid on Yingkou ). There he showed himself as an initiative officer, working with General Mishchenko. A successful raid was carried out in May 1905 during the equestrian raid of General Mishchenko, in which Denikin took an active part ^[8] . He himself thus describes the results of this raid ^[18] :

On July 26 ( August 8 ), 1905, Denikin’s activities received high recognition from the command ^[14] , and “for his difference in cases against the Japanese” ^{[8] [14] [17]} he was promoted to colonel and awarded the Order of St. Stanislav the 3rd degrees with swords and bows and St. Anne of the 2nd degree with swords ^[17] .

After the end of the war and the signing of the Portsmouth Peace , in the midst of confusion and soldiers' unrest, he left Harbin in December 1905 ^[13] and arrived in St. Petersburg in January 1906 ^[8] .

Between Wars

From January to December 1906, he was temporarily appointed to the lowest ^[8] position as headquarters officer for special assignments at the headquarters of his 2nd cavalry corps, based in Warsaw, from which he fled to the Russo-Japanese war. In May - September 1906 he commanded a battalion of the 228th infantry reserve Khvalynsky regiment ^[4] . In 1906, waiting for his main destination, he took a vacation abroad and visited for the first time in his life in Europe ( Austria-Hungary , France , Italy ^[11] , Germany , Switzerland ) as a tourist. When he returned, he asked to expedite his appointment, and he was offered the post of chief of staff of the 8th Siberian Division. Upon learning of the appointment, he exercised the right to refuse this offer as a senior officer. As a result, he was offered a more acceptable place in the Kazan military district . In January 1907, he assumed the post of chief of staff of the 57th Infantry Reserve Brigade in the city of Saratov , where he served until January 1910. In Saratov, he lived in a rented apartment in the house of D. N. Bankovskaya on the corner of Nikolskaya and Anichkovskaya streets (now Radishchev and Rabochaya ) ^[3] .

During this period, he wrote a lot for the Scout magazine, under the heading “Army notes” ^[17] , including denouncing the commander of his brigade, who “launched the brigade and completely retired,” putting the affairs in the brigade on Denikin. The most notable was the humorous-satirical note "Cricket" ^{[8] [13] [17]} . He criticized the management methods of the Chief of the Kazan Military District, General Alexander Sandetsky ^[19] . Historians Oleg Budnitsky and Oleg Terebov wrote that during this period Denikin opposed bureaucracy, suppression of initiative, rudeness and arbitrariness towards soldiers, for improving the selection and training of command personnel and devoted a number of articles to the analysis of the battles of the Russo-Japanese war, drew attention to the German and Austrian threats, in the light of which he pointed out the need for speedy reforms in the army, wrote about the need for the development of vehicles and military aircraft, and in 1910 proposed convening a congress on itserov General Staff to discuss military issues ^{[9] [19]}

On June 29 ( July 12 ), 1910, he took command of the 17th Arkhangelsk Infantry Regiment , based in Zhitomir ^[8] . On September 1 (14), 1911, his regiment took part in tsarist maneuvers near Kiev, and the next day Denikin opened with a ceremonial march with his regiment a parade on the occasion of honoring the Tsar. Marina Denikina noted that her father was dissatisfied with the fact that the parade was not canceled due to wounding the chairman of the Council of Ministers Pyotr Stolypin in the Kiev opera ^[13] . According to the writer Vladimir Cherkasov-Georgievsky, the years 1912-1913 were tense in the border region of Denikin, and his regiment received a secret order to send detachments to occupy and protect the most important points of the South-Western Railway in the direction of Lviv , where the Arkhangelsk residents stood for several weeks ^{[ 17]} .

In the Arkhangelogorod regiment, he created a museum of the history of the regiment, which became one of the first museums of military units in the Imperial Army ^{[2] [3]} .

March 23 ( April 5 ) 1914 was appointed acting general for errands under the Commander of the Kiev Military District and moved to Kiev . In Kiev, he rented an apartment on Bolshaya Zhitomirskaya street, 40 ^[11] , where he moved his family (mother and servant). On June 21 ( July 4 ), 1914 ^[13] , on the eve of the outbreak of World War I , he was promoted to major general and approved as quartermaster general of the 8th Army , under the command of General Alexei Brusilov ^[8] .

Commander of the Russian Imperial Army

In World War I

1914

The First World War, which began on July 19 ( August 1 ), 1914 , for the 8th army of Brusilov, in the headquarters of which Denikin served, initially developed successfully. The army went on the offensive and already on August 21 ( September 3 ) 1914 took Lviv . On the same day, having learned that the previous commander of the 4th Rifle Brigade had received a new appointment, and wanting to move from the headquarters to the combat post, Denikin submitted a request for his appointment as the commander of this brigade, which was immediately satisfied by Brusilov ^[20] . In his memoirs published in 1929, Brusilov wrote that Denikin “in the combat field showed excellent talents of a military general” ^[20] .

Joining the command of the brigade on August 24 ( September 6 ), 1914, he immediately achieved significant success with it. The brigade entered the battle at Grodek , and as a result of this battle, Denikin was awarded the St. George weapons ^[22] . The Highest Award Certificate stated that the weapon was handed “For the fact that you are in battles from September 8 to 12. In 1914, with great art and courage, Grodeck was beaten off by the desperate attacks of an enemy superior in strength, especially the persistent Sept. 11, with the desire of the Austrians to break through the center of the corps; and in the morning of September 12. they themselves went with the brigade on a decisive offensive ” ^[21] .

A month later, when the 8th Army got stuck in a positional war, noting the weakness of the enemy’s defense, on October 11 (24), 1914 he transferred his brigade to attack the enemy and took the village of Gorny Luzhok, where the headquarters of Archduke Joseph’s group was located, from where he was hastily evacuated. As a result of the capture of the village, a direction was opened for an attack on the Sambir- Turk highway. “For a bold maneuver” Denikin was awarded the Order of St. George 4th degree ^{[8] [22] [21]} .

In November 1914, in the course of combat missions in the Carpathians , the Denikin’s brigade captured the city and the Mezolyaborch station, with the brigade itself 4,000 bayonets, “taking 3,730 prisoners, a lot of weapons and military equipment, large rolling stock with valuable cargo at the railway station, 9 guns” while losing 164 killed and 1332 taking into account the wounded and out of order ^[21] . Since the operation in the Carpathians, regardless of the success of the Denikin brigade, was unsuccessful, he himself received only congratulatory telegrams from Nicholas II and Brusilov for these actions ^[8] .

1915

In February 1915, the 4th Infantry Brigade, aimed at helping the combined detachment of General Kaledin , captured a number of commanding heights, the center of the enemy’s position and the village of Lutovisko, capturing more than 2,000 prisoners and pushing the Austrians over the San River . For this battle, Denikin was awarded the Order of St. George 3rd degree ^{[8] [22] [21]} .

At the beginning of 1915 he received an offer to transfer to the post of division head, but refused to part with his brigade of “iron” shooters ^[11] . As a result, the command solved this problem in a different way, deploying in April 1915 the 4th rifle brigade of Denikin into the division. In 1915, the armies of the Southwestern Front retreated or were on the defensive. In September 1915, in conditions of retreat, he unexpectedly ordered his division to go on the offensive. As a result of the offensive, the city of Lutsk was taken by the division, and 158 officers and 9773 soldiers were captured. ^[8] General Brusilov wrote in his memoirs that Denikin, “not trying to avoid any difficulties”, rushed to Lutsk and took it “in one fell swoop”, and during the battle he drove into the city by car and from there sent a telegram to Brusilov about taking the 4th Infantry division ^[20] .

For the capture of Lutsk during the battles of September 17 (30) - September 23 ( October 6 ), 1915 ^[8] . May 11 (24), 1916 was promoted to lieutenant general with seniority from September 10 (23), 1915 ^[23] . Later, the command, leveling the front, ordered to leave Lutsk ^[21] . In October, during the Czartory’s operation, Denikin’s division, having completed the command task, crossed the Stryi River and took Chartorysk , taking a bridgehead 18 km wide and 20 km deep on the opposite bank of the river, diverting considerable enemy forces. On October 22 ( November 4 ), 1915, an order was received to retreat to their original positions. Subsequently, the front lull until the spring of 1916 ^{[8] [21]} .

1916 - Early 1917

On March 2 (15), 1916, during a positional war, he was wounded by a shrapnel shrapnel in his left hand, but remained in service ^{[8] [13]} . In May, with his division as part of the 8th Army, he took part in the Brusilovsky (Lutsk) breakthrough of 1916. Denikin’s division broke through 6 lines of the enemy’s positions ^[24] , and on May 23 ( June 5 ) 1916 ^[8] re-took the city of Lutsk, for which Denikin was re-granted the St. George’s weapon studded with diamonds, with the inscription: “For the double liberation of Lutsk” ^{[ 11] [22]} .

On August 27 ( September 9 ), 1916 ^{[22] he} was appointed commander of the 8th corps and, together with the corps, was sent to the Romanian Front ^[8] , where the Romanian army defeated and retreated after the Southwest Front attacked Russia and the Entente. Lekhovich writes that after several months of fighting at Buzeo, Rymnik and Fokshan, Denikin described the Romanian army as follows ^[25] :

The Romanian army completely ignored the experience of the world war that was taking place before its eyes: the frivolous supply and equipment of the army frivolous to crime; the presence of several good generals, pampered ... corps of officers and excellent soldiers.

He was awarded the highest military order of Romania - the order of Mihai the Brave 3rd degree.

The February Revolution and Denikin's Political Opinions

The February 1917 revolution found Denikin on the Romanian front. The coup general met sympathetically. As the English historian Peter Kenes writes, he unconditionally believed and even subsequently repeated in his memoirs the false rumors about the imperial family and Nicholas II , cleverly circulated at that time by Russian liberal figures corresponding to his political views. The personal views of Denikin, as the historian writes, were very close to the Cadet and later became the basis of the army he commanded ^{[26] [27] [28]} .

In March 1917, he was called to Petrograd by the Minister of War of the new revolutionary government Alexander Guchkov , from whom he received an offer to become chief of staff under the newly appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, General Mikhail Alekseev . Being freed from the oath by Nicholas II, he accepted the proposal of the new government. On April 5 (28), 1917, he took office, in which he worked for more than a month and a half, having worked well with Alekseev. After Alekseev was removed from his post and replaced by General Brusilov, he refused to be his chief of staff and on May 31 ( June 13 ) 1917 he was transferred to the post of commander of the armies of the Western Front . In the spring of 1917, at a military congress in Mogilev, he was sharply criticized by Kerensky’s policy aimed at democratizing the army. At the Headquarters meeting on July 16 (29), 1917, he advocated the abolition of committees in the army and the removal of politics from the army ^[29] .

As commander of the Western Front, he provided strategic support to the Southwestern Front during the June 1917 offensive . In August 1917 he was appointed commander of the Southwestern Front. On the way to the new destination in Mogilev, he met with General Kornilov, during the conversation with whom he expressed his support for the upcoming political actions of Kornilov ^{[8] [14]} .

Arrest and imprisonment in Berdychiv and Bykhov prisons

As the commander of the Southwestern Front, on August 29 ( September 11 ), 1917 he was arrested and imprisoned in Berdichev for expressing solidarity with General Kornilov with a sharp telegram to the Provisional Government . The arrest was made by the commissar of the Southwestern Front, Nikolai of Jordan . Together with Denikin, almost the entire leadership of his headquarters was arrested.

The month spent in the Berdichev prison , according to Denikin, was difficult for him, every day he expected reprisals of revolutionary soldiers who could burst into the cell ^[30] . On September 27 ( October 10 ), 1917 ^[4] , it was decided to transfer the arrested generals from Berdichev to Bykhov to an arrested group of generals led by Kornilov. During transportation to the station, Denikin writes, he and other generals almost became a victim of mob mob mob law , from which they were largely saved by the officer of the cadet battalion of the 2nd Zhytomyr Ensign School Viktor Betling , who had previously served in the Arkhangelsk Regiment, which he commanded before the war Denikin. Subsequently, in 1919, Betling was admitted to the white army of Denikin and appointed him commander of the Special Officer Company at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander of the All-Union Union of Liberal Democratic Forces ^[30] .

After the transfer, he and Kornilov were held in Bykhov prison . The investigation into the Kornilovsky case was complicated and dragged out due to the lack of convincing evidence of the betrayal of the generals, the sentencing was delayed ^[31] . Under such conditions of Bykhov’s imprisonment, Denikin and other generals met the October Revolution of the Bolsheviks.

After the fall of the Provisional Government, the new Bolshevik government temporarily forgot about the prisoners, and on November 19 ( December 2 ) 1917, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Dukhonin , learning about the approach of Mogilev echelons with Bolshevik troops led by Warrant Officer Krylenko , threatening them with murder, and relying on the one brought from Petrograd by captain Chunikhin, an order with the seal of the Higher Investigation Commission and forged signatures of commission members, military investigators R. R. von Raupakh and N. P. Ukraintsev, released the generals from Bykhov prison ^[31] .

Flight to the Don and participation in the creation of the Volunteer Army

After his release, to be unrecognized, he shaved off his beard and with a certificate in the name of “assistant to the head of the dressing unit Alexander Dombrovsky” ^[14] made his way to Novocherkassk , where he took part in the creation of the Volunteer Army . He was the author of the Constitution of the supreme authority on the Don, which he set forth in December 1917 at a meeting of the generals, which proposed the transfer of civil power in the army to Alekseev, the military to Kornilov, and the administration of the Don region to Kaledin . This proposal was approved, signed by the Don and volunteer leadership, and formed the basis for organizing the management of the Volunteer Army ^{[2] [8]} . Based on this, the researcher of the biography of Denikin, the doctor of historical sciences Georgy Ippolitov concluded that Denikin was involved in the formation of the first anti-Bolshevik government in Russia, which lasted one month, before the suicide of Kaledin ^[2] .

He began in Novocherkassk to form the units of the new army, taking on military functions and abandoning the economic. Initially, like other generals, he worked in secret , wore civilian clothes and, as the pioneer Roman Gul wrote, was “more like a leader of a bourgeois party than a military general” ^[2] . At his disposal were 1,500 people and 200 rounds per rifle. Ippolitov writes that weapons whose means of acquisition were chronically lacking were often exchanged with Cossacks in exchange for alcohol or stolen from warehouses of decaying Cossack units. Over time, 5 guns appeared in the army. In total, by January 1918, Denikin managed to form an army of 4,000 fighters ^[2] . The average age of the volunteer was small, and officer youth called the 46-year-old Denikin "grandfather Anton" ^[2] .

In January 1918, the newly forming units of Denikin entered the first battles on the Cherkasy Front with troops under the command of Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko sent by the Council of People's Commissars to fight Kaledin. Denikin’s fighters suffered heavy losses, but achieved tactical success and restrained the Soviet offensive ^[2] . In fact, Denikin, as one of the main and most active organizers of the volunteer units, was often perceived at this stage as the army commander. He also temporarily served as commander during periods of Kornilov’s absence. Alekseev, speaking to the Don Cossack government in January, said that the Volunteer Army was commanded by Kornilov and Denikin ^[2] .

During the formation of the army, changes took place in the general’s personal life - December 25, 1917 ( January 7, 1918 ) ^[3] he married his first marriage ^[14] . Ksenia Chizh , whom the general had been courting in recent years, came to him in the Don, and without attracting much attention, they got married in one of the churches of Novocherkassk ^{[2] [14]} . Their honeymoon, which they spent in the village of Slavyansk, lasted eight days. After that, he returned to the army’s location, going first to Yekaterinodar for General Alekseev, and then returning to Novocherkassk. All this time for the outside world continued to exist conspiratorially under the alien name of Dombrowski ^[2] .

January 30 ( February 12 ), 1918 was appointed commander of the 1st Infantry (Volunteer) Division. After the suppression of the workers' uprising by volunteers in Rostov , the army headquarters moved there. Together with the Volunteer Army, on the night of February 8 (21) and February 9 (22), 1918, he took part in the 1st (Icy) Kuban campaign ^[32] , during which he became deputy commander of the Volunteer Army, General Kornilov. Denikin himself so recalled ^[2] :

Kornilov appointed me an assistant army commander. Functions are pretty vague. The creepy idea is continuity.

He was one of those who persuaded at the council of the army in the village of Olginskaya on February 12 (25), 1918, Kornilov to decide to move the army within the Kuban region. On March 17 (30), 1918, he also contributed to the conviction by the Alekseevs of the Kuban Rada about the need for her detachment to join the Volunteer Army. At the council that made the decision to storm Yekaterinodar, Denikin was to take the post of governor general after taking the city ^[2] .

The assault on Yekaterinodar , which lasted from April 28 (10) to March 31 ( April 13 ), 1918, failed for the volunteers. The army suffered heavy losses, the ammunition ran out, the defenders had a numerical superiority. On the morning of March 31 ( April 13 ), 1918, Kornilov died as a result of the shell that hit the building. By continuity from Kornilov and his own consent, as well as as a result of an order issued by Alekseev, Denikin led the Volunteer Army, after which he ordered the suspension of the assault and preparations for a retreat ^[14] .

White Movement Leader

Start of Volunteer Army Command

Denikin led the remains of the Volunteer Army to the village of Zhuravskaya . Experiencing constant pursuit and the threat of encirclement, the army maneuvered, avoided the railways. Further from the village of Zhuravskaya he led the troops east and went to the village of Uspenskaya . Here the news was received of the uprising of the Don Cossacks against the Soviet regime. He ordered the forced march to move towards Rostov and Novocherkassk. With the battle, his troops took the White Clay railway station. On May 15 (28), 1918 , at the height of the Cossack anti-Bolshevik uprising, the volunteers approached Rostov (occupied by the Germans at that time) and settled in the villages of Mechetinskaya and Yegorlykskaya for rest and reformation. The army, along with the wounded, was about 5,000 ^[14] .

The author of the essay on the general, Yuri Gordeev, writes that at that moment it was difficult for Denikin to count on his supremacy in the anti-Bolshevik struggle. Cossack units of General Popov (the main force of the Don uprising) totaled more than 10 thousand people. In the negotiations that began, the Cossacks demanded that volunteers attack Tsaritsyn when the Cossacks attack Voronezh , but Denikin and Alekseev decided that they would first repeat the campaign to the Kuban to clear the area of ​​the Bolsheviks. Thus, the question of a single command was excluded, since the armies diverged in different directions ^[14] . At a meeting in the village of Manychskaya, Denikin demanded the transfer of the 3,000th detachment of Colonel Mikhail Drozdovsky , who had come to the Don from the former Romanian front , from the Don to the Volunteer Army, and this detachment was transferred ^[14] .

Organization of the Second Kuban campaign

Having received the necessary rest and reformed, as well as being strengthened by the detachment of Drozdovsky, the Volunteer Army on the night of June 9 (22) on June 10 (23), 1918, consisting of 8-9 thousand soldiers under the command of Denikin launched the 2nd Kuban campaign , which ended in the defeat of almost 100 the thousandth Kuban grouping of red troops and the capture on August 4 (17), 1918 of the capital of the Kuban Cossacks, Yekaterinodar ^[33] .

In Yekaterinodar, he placed his headquarters, and the Cossack troops of the Kuban became subordinate to him. Армия под его контролем к тому времени составляла 12 тысяч человек, и её существенно пополнил 5-тысячный отряд кубанских казаков под командованием генерала Андрея Шкуро . Основным направлением политики Деникина во время пребывания в Екатеринодаре являлось решение вопроса о создании единого фронта антибольшевистских сил на Юге России , а основной проблемой являлись отношения с Донской армией . По мере развёртывания успеха добровольцев на Кубани и Кавказе его позиции в диалоге с донскими силами всё более укреплялись. Одновременно вёл политическую игру по замене на посту донского атамана Петра Краснова (до ноября 1918 года ориентировавшегося на Германию) на союзнически ориентированного Африкана Богаевского ^[14] .

Отрицательно высказывался об украинском гетмане Павле Скоропадском и созданном им при участии немцев государстве — Украинской державе , что осложняло отношения с немецким командованием и уменьшало приток добровольцев к Деникину с контролируемых немцами территорий Украины и Крыма ^[14] .

После смерти генерала Алексеева 25 сентября ( 8 октября ) 1918 года занял пост главнокомандующего Добровольческой армией, объединив в своих руках военную и гражданскую власть ^[34] . На протяжении второй половины 1918 года Добровольческой армии под общим управлением Деникина удалось разгромить войска Северо-Кавказской советской республики и занять всю западную часть Северного Кавказа ^[14] .

Осенью 1918 — зимой 1919 гг., несмотря на противодействие со стороны Великобритании , войска генерала Деникина отвоевали Сочи , Адлер , Гагру , всю прибрежную территорию, захваченную весной 1918 года Грузией . К 10 февраля 1919 года Вооружённые силы Юга России заставили отступить грузинскую армию за реку Бзыбь . Эти бои деникинцев в ходе Сочинского конфликта позволили де-факто сохранить Сочи для России ^[35] .

Главнокомандующий Вооружёнными силами Юга России

22 декабря 1918 года ( 4 января 1919 года ) войска Южного фронта красных перешли в наступление, что вызвало развал фронта Донской армии . В этих условиях Деникину представилась удобная возможность подчинить себе казачьи войска Дона. 26 декабря 1918 года ( 8 января 1919 года ) Деникин подписал соглашение с Красновым , согласно которому Добровольческая армия объединилась с Донской армией. При участии донских казаков Деникину также удалось в эти дни отстранить от руководства генерала Петра Краснова и заменить его Африканом Богаевским, причём возглавленные Богаевским остатки Донской армии были переподчинены напрямую Деникину. Такая реорганизация положила начало созданию Вооружённых сил Юга России (ВСЮР). Во ВСЮР также вошли Кавказская (позже Кубанская ) армия и Черноморский флот ^[14] .

Деникин возглавил ВСЮР, избрав своим заместителем и начальником штаба давнего соратника, с которым вместе прошёл быховское заточение и оба Кубанских похода Добровольческой армии, генерал-лейтенанта Ивана Романовского . 1 (14) января 1919 года передал командование Добровольческой армией, ставшей теперь одним из подразделений ВСЮР, Петру Врангелю . В скором времени перевёл свою Ставку главнокомандующего ВСЮР в Таганрог .

Союзниками России по Антанте к началу 1919 года Деникин оказался воспринят как основной руководитель антибольшевистских сил на Юге России ^[14] . Ему удалось получить через черноморские порты от них в качестве военной помощи большое количество оружия, боеприпасов, снаряжения ^[14] .

Doctor of Historical Sciences Vladimir Kulakov divides Denikin’s activities as commander-in-chief of the All-Union Socialist League of Youth into two periods: the period of the largest victories (January - October 1919), which brought Denikin fame both in Russia and in Europe and the United States , and the period of the defeat of the All-Union Socialist League of Ukraine (November 1919 - April) 1920), culminating in the resignation of Denikin ^[5] .

Biggest Victory Period

According to Gordeev, Denikin in the spring of 1919 had an army of 85 thousand people ^[14] ; according to Soviet data, Denikin’s army on February 2 (15), 1919 amounted to 113 thousand people ^[5] . Doctor of Historical Sciences Vladimir Fedyuk writes that during this period Denikin served 25-30 thousand officers ^{[5] [36]} .

Entente reports in March 1919 made conclusions about the unpopularity and poor moral and psychological state of Denikin’s troops, as well as their lack of their own resources to continue the struggle. The situation was complicated by the withdrawal of the Allies from Odessa and its fall in April 1919 with the retreat of the Timanovsky brigade to Romania and its subsequent transfer to Novorossiysk , as well as the occupation of Sevastopol by the Bolsheviks on April 6. At the same time, the Crimean-Azov Volunteer Army entrenched on the isthmus of the Kerch Peninsula , which partially removed the threat of the Red invasion of the Kuban. In the Carboniferous region, the main forces of the Volunteer Army fought defensive battles against the superior forces of the Southern Front.

Under these contradictory conditions, Denikin prepared the spring-summer offensive operations of the All-Ukrainian Special Forces of Justice, which achieved great success ^[5] . Kulakov writes that according to the analysis of documents and materials “at that time the general showed his best military organizational skills, innovative strategic and operational tactical thinking, showed the art of flexible maneuver and the right choice of the main strike direction” ^[5] . Denikin’s success factors include his experience of military operations of the First World War, as well as the understanding that the strategy of the Civil War is different from the classical scheme of warfare ^[5] .

In addition to military operations, he paid great attention to propaganda work. He organized an information agency that developed and used various extraordinary methods of propaganda. To distribute leaflets over the positions of the Reds, aviation was used. At the same time, Denikin’s agents distributed leaflets in the rear garrisons and places of cantonment of red spare parts with various misinformation in the form of texts of “orders-appeals” of the Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the republic. A successful propaganda move is the distribution of leaflets among veshensky Cossack rebels with information that the Council of People's Commissars has signed a secret letter on the total extermination of Cossacks, inciting the rebels to the side of Denikin. At the same time, Denikin supported the fighting spirit of the volunteers with his own sincere belief in the success of the work being done and his personal proximity to the army ^{[2] [5]} .

Although the correlation of forces in the spring of 1919 is estimated at 1: 3.3 in bayonets and sabers not in favor of the whites with relative equality in artillery, the moral and psychological advantage was on the side of the whites, which allowed them to launch an offensive against a superior opponent and minimize the disadvantage factor material and human resources ^[5] .

During the late spring and early summer of 1919, Denikin’s troops managed to seize the strategic initiative. He concentrated against the Southern Front, according to the Soviet command, 8-9 infantry and 2 horse divisions with a total number of 31-32 thousand people ^[2] . Having defeated the Bolsheviks on the Don and Manych in May and June, Denikin’s troops launched a successful offensive inland. His armies were able to take possession of the Coal Region - the fuel and metallurgical base of southern Russia, enter the territory of Ukraine , and also occupy vast fertile areas of the North Caucasus. The front of his armies is located in a north-curved arc from the Black Sea east of Kherson to the northern part of the Caspian Sea ^[14] .

Widespread fame within Soviet Russia came to Denikin in connection with the advance of his armies in June 1919, when volunteer troops took Kharkov ( June 24 ( July 7 ) 1919 ), Yekaterinoslav ( June 27 ( July 10 ) 1919 ), Tsaritsyn ( June 30 ( July 13 ), 1919 ). The mention of his name in the Soviet press became widespread, and he himself was subjected to fierce criticism in it. Denikin in mid-1919 inspired the Soviet side with serious concern. In response to reproaches, Denikin said that the civil war has many of its own characteristics, and a number of them are difficult to predict. ^[37] In July 1919, Vladimir Lenin wrote an appeal titled “ Everything to fight Denikin! ”, Which became a letter of the Central Committee of the RCP (B.) To party organizations, in which Denikin’s offensive was called“ the most critical moment of the socialist revolution ” ^[38] .

At the same time, Denikin, at the height of his successes, on June 12 (25), 1919 , officially recognized the power of Admiral Kolchak as the supreme ruler of Russia and the supreme commander in chief. On June 24 ( July 7 ), 1919, the Omsk Government Council of Ministers appointed Denikin as deputy supreme commander in order to “ensure the continuity and continuity of the supreme command” ^[39] .

On July 3 (16), 1919, he set his troops the Moscow directive providing for the ultimate goal of capturing Moscow - the “heart of Russia” (and at the same time the capital of the Bolshevik state). VSYUR troops, under the general leadership of Denikin, began their campaign in Moscow .

In mid-1919 he achieved great military success in Ukraine. At the end of the summer of 1919, the armies took the cities of Poltava ( July 3 (16), 1919 ), Nikolaev , Kherson , Odessa ( August 10 (23), 1919 ), Kiev ( August 18 (31), 1919 ). With the capture of Kiev, volunteers came into contact with units of the UNR and the Galician army . Denikin, who did not recognize the legitimacy of Ukraine and Ukrainian troops, demanded the disarmament of the UNR forces and their return home for further mobilization. The impossibility of finding a compromise led to the outbreak of hostilities between the All-Ukrainian Socialist League and the Ukrainian forces, which, although they developed successfully for the All-Union Socialist League, but led to the need to fight on two fronts simultaneously. In November 1919, the Petliura and Galician troops were completely defeated in the Right-Bank Ukraine , the UPR army lost a significant part of the controlled territories, and a peace treaty and military alliance were concluded with the Galicians, as a result of which the Galician army was transferred to Denikin and became a part of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.

September and the first half of October 1919 were the time of the greatest success for Denikin's forces in the central direction. Having inflicted a heavy defeat on the armies of the Southern Red Front (commander Vladimir Egoriev ) in August - September 1919 in a large-scale counter battle near Kharkov and Tsaritsyn, Denikinites, pursuing the broken red units, began to rapidly advance towards Moscow. September 7 (20), 1919 they took Kursk , September 23 ( October 6 ), 1919 - Voronezh , September 27 ( October 10 ) 1919 - Chernihiv , September 30 ( October 13 ) 1919 - Orel and intended to take Tula . The southern front of the Bolsheviks collapsed. The Bolsheviks were close to disaster and were preparing to go underground. An underground Moscow party committee was created, government agencies began evacuating to Vologda .

If on May 5 (18), 1919, the Volunteer Army in the Coal Region counted 9,600 soldiers, then after the capture of Kharkov , by June 20 ( July 3 ) 1919, it amounted to 26 thousand people, and by July 20 ( August 2 ) 1919 - 40 thousand people. The entire number of the All-Union Socialist League, subordinate to Denikin, gradually increased from 64 to 150 thousand people from May to October. ^[5] Denikin controlled the territories of 16-18 provinces and regions with a total area of ​​810 thousand square meters. milestones with a population of 42 million. ^[40]

Vyuyr crush period

But since mid-October 1919, the position of the armies of the South of Russia has noticeably worsened. The rear was destroyed by a raid by the rebel army of Nestor Makhno in Ukraine, which broke through the White front in the Uman region at the end of September ^[41] , in addition, troops had to be withdrawn from the front against it, and the Bolsheviks entered into an unofficial truce with the Poles and Petliurists, freeing up forces to fight against Denikin ^{[K 2]} . Due to the transition from a voluntary to a mobilization base of manning the army, the quality of Denikin's armed forces was falling, mobilization did not give the desired result, a large number of military men preferred to remain in the rear, under various pretexts, rather than in active units. Peasant support was weakening. Having created a quantitative and qualitative superiority over Denikin’s forces in the main, Orel-Kursk direction (62 thousand bayonets and sabers for the Reds versus 22 thousand for the Whites), in October the Red Army went on the counterattack: in fierce battles that went on with varying success, south of Orel by the end of October, the small units of the Volunteer Army defeated the troops of the Southern Red Front (from September 28 ( October 11 ) 1919 - commander Alexander Egorov ) and then began to crowd them along the entire front line. In the winter of 1919-1920, the troops of the All-Union Union of Socialist Republic of Ukraine left Kharkov , Kiev , Donbass , Rostov-on-Don .

On November 24 (December 7), 1919, in a conversation with the Pepeliev brothers, the supreme ruler and supreme commander of the Russian army A. V. Kolchak first announced his abdication in favor of A. I. Denikin ^[42] , and in early December 1919, the admiral asked raised in front of his government. On December 9 (22), 1919, the Council of Ministers of the Russian Government adopted the following decree: “In order to ensure the continuity and succession of all-Russian power, the Council of Ministers decided: to assign the duties of the Supreme Ruler in the event of a serious illness or death of the Supreme Ruler, as well as in case of refusal of the rank of Supreme Ruler or his long-term absence from the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia, Lieutenant General Denikin ” ^[39] .

December 22, 1919 ( January 4, 1920 ) Kolchak issued his last decree in Nizhneudinsk , which, “in view of my pre-issue of the transfer of the supreme All-Russian power to the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia, Lieutenant General Denikin, from now on, to receive his instructions, in order to preserve in our Russian Eastern Outskirts, the stronghold of statehood on the basis of inextricable unity with all of Russia ”, provided“ the entire completeness of military and civilian power throughout the territory of the Russian Eastern Outskirts, united by Iisko supreme authority, "Lieutenant-General Grigory Semenov ^[39] Despite the fact that the supreme all-Russian power was never transferred to Denikin Kolchak, respectively, the title “Supreme Ruler” was never transferred ^{[43] [39]} , Denikin wrote in his memoirs that in the midst of heavy defeats of the Armed Forces In the south of Russia and the political crisis, he considered “accepting the appropriate name and functions” completely unacceptable and refused to accept the title of Supreme Ruler, motivating his decision with a “lack of official information about events in the East” ^[39] .

After the retreat of the remnants of the Volunteer Army to the Cossack regions by the beginning of 1920, already possessing the title of Supreme Ruler obtained from Kolchak, Denikin tried to form the so-called South Russian model of statehood based on the unification of state principles of volunteer, Don and Kuban leadership. To do this, abolished the Special Meeting and created in its place the South Russian government from representatives of all parties, which he headed, remaining as the commander in chief of the All-Union Federal League of Justice. The need for a broad coalition with representatives of the Cossack leadership lost relevance by March 1920, when the army retreated to Novorossiysk, losing control of the Cossack regions ^[44] .

He made an attempt to delay the retreat of his troops on the Don and Manych rivers, as well as on the Perekop Isthmus , and ordered in the early days of January 1920 to take up defense at these lines. He hoped to wait for spring, get new help from the Entente and repeat the offensive in central Russia. Trying to break through the stabilized front in the second half of January, the red horse armies suffered heavy losses near Bataysk and on the Manych and Sal rivers from the shock group of the Don Army, General Vladimir Sidorin . Inspired by this success, on February 8 (21), 1920, Denikin ordered his troops to go on the offensive. On February 20 ( March 4 ), 1920, volunteer troops took Rostov-on-Don for several days. But the new offensive of the Caucasian Red Front troops on February 26 ( March 10 ) 1920 caused fierce battles at Bataysk and Stavropol , and the village of Yegorlykskaya faced a mounted horse battle of the army of Semyon Budyonny with the group of Alexander Pavlov , as a result of which Pavlov's horse group was defeated, and the troops Denikin began a general retreat along the entire front to the south for more than 400 km. ^[14]

On March 4 (17), 1920, he issued a directive to troops to cross to the left bank of the Kuban River and take up defense on it, but the decomposed troops did not comply with these orders and began a panic retreat. The Don army, which was ordered to defend the Taman Peninsula , instead, mixed with volunteers, retreated to Novorossiysk. The Kuban army also withdrew and rolled back to Tuapse ^[14] . The random accumulation of troops at Novorossiysk and the delay in the beginning of the evacuation caused the Novorossiysk disaster , which is often blamed on Denikin. In total, from the Novorossiysk region by sea to the Crimea March 26–27 ( 8 ) - On April 9, 1920, about 35 ^[45] were transported 54–40 thousand soldiers and officers ^[14] . The general himself, with his chief of staff, Romanovsky , was one of the last to board the destroyer Captain Saken in Novorossiysk ^[46] .

Resignation of the Supreme Commander of the Union

In Crimea , March 27 ( April 9 ), 1920, placed his Headquarters in Feodosia in the building of the Astoria Hotel. During the week, he carried out the reorganization of the army and measures to restore the combat effectiveness of the troops. Moreover, in the army itself, with the exception of the colored units and most of the Kuban, dissatisfaction with Denikin was growing.

The pamphlets carried a truly terrible accusation: how Kolchak and Denikin betrayed each other and Russia ...

- Denikin, Anton Ivanovich. Essays on Russian Troubles. Chapter III. The offensive of the All-Union Socialist Republic of Ukraine in the spring of 1919: the liberation of the Don and Crimea, the capture of Kharkov, Poltava, Yekaterinoslav and Tsaritsyn. The Moscow Directive. Inner mood

The opposition general expressed particular discontent. Under these conditions, the Military Council of the All-Union Socialist Liberation Union in Sevastopol made a recommendation on the advisability of transferring the command to Wrangel by Denikin. Feeling responsible for military failures and following the laws of officer honor, he wrote to the Chairman of the Military Council Abram Dragomirov a letter stating that he plans to resign and convened a meeting of the council with a view to electing a successor ^[45] . On April 4 (17), 1920, he appointed Lieutenant General Pyotr Wrangel as the Commander-in-Chief of the All-Russian Union of Liberal Democratic Forces , and on the same day in the evening, along with the former Chief of Staff Romanovsky, who also resigned, he left Crimea in an English destroyer and left for England with an intermediate stop in Constantinople , leaving forever the borders of Russia ^[14] .

On April 5 (18), 1920, in Constantinople, in the immediate vicinity of Denikin , his chief of staff Ivan Romanovsky was killed , which became a severe blow for Denikin ^[15] . That same evening, with his family and children, General Kornilov switched to an English hospital ship, and on April 6 (19), 1920, left the Marlboro dreadnought to England, in his own words, with a feeling of “inescapable sorrow”.

In the summer of 1920, Alexander Guchkov turned to Denikin with a request “to complete the patriotic feat and to vest Baron Wrangel with a special solemn act ... by the successive all-Russian government”, but he refused to sign such a document ^[39] .

Denikin's policy in controlled areas

In the territories controlled by the Armed Forces of the South of Russia , Denikin belonged to all the full power as the commander in chief. Under him there was a special meeting that performed the functions of the executive and legislative branches. Possessing essentially dictatorial power and being a supporter of the constitutional monarchy, Denikin did not consider himself entitled (before the convening of the Constituent Assembly ) to determine the future state system of Russia. He tried to rally the widest possible sections of the population around the White movement under the slogans “Fighting Bolshevism to the end, ” “Great, United and Indivisible Russia ,” “Political Freedoms,” “Law and Order”. Such a position was criticized both from the right, from the side of the monarchists, and from the left, from the liberal socialist camp. The call for the restoration of a united and indivisible Russia was met with resistance from the Cossack state formations of Don and Kuban, which sought autonomy and the federal structure of future Russia, and could not be supported by the nationalist parties of Ukraine, Transcaucasia, or the Baltic. ^[47]

The implementation of Denikin’s power was imperfect. Although formally the power belonged to the military, which, relying on the army, formed the policy of the White South, but in practice Denikin failed to establish a firm order neither in the controlled territories, nor in the army. ^[48]

When trying to resolve the working issue, progressive working legislation was adopted with an 8-hour working day and labor protection measures, which due to the complete collapse of industrial production and dishonest actions of owners who used their temporary return to power at enterprises as a convenient opportunity to save their property and to transfer capital abroad did not find practical implementation. ^[49] At the same time, any workers ’demonstrations and strikes were considered exclusively political and suppressed by force, and trade union independence was not recognized. ^[48]

The Denikin government did not have time to fully implement the land reform he had developed, the basis of which was to lie on the strengthening of small and medium-sized farms at the expense of state and landowners. In modern Russian and Ukrainian historiography, unlike earlier Soviet historians, it is not customary to call Denikin’s agrarian legislation oriented towards protecting the interests of landowner land tenure. ^[50] At the same time, the Denikin government was not able to completely prevent the spontaneous return of landowner land ownership with all its negative consequences for the implementation of land reforms. ^[50]

In national politics, Denikin adhered to the concept of “united and indivisible Russia,” which did not allow the discussion of any autonomy or self-determination of the territories that were part of the former Russian Empire within the pre-war borders . The principles of national policy in relation to the territory and population of Ukraine are reflected in the “Appeal of Denikin to the population of Little Russia” and did not allow the right of the Ukrainian people to self-determination. ^{[51] [52]} Cossack autonomy was also not allowed - Denikin carried out repressive measures against attempts to create his own federal state by the Kuban, Don and Terek Cossacks: he liquidated the Kuban Rada and carried out permutations in the Government of the Cossack regions. ^[53] A special policy was pursued regarding the Jewish population. Due to the fact that Jews were a significant part of the leaders of the Bolshevik structures, it was customary to consider any Jews among potential leaders of the Bolshevik regime among the Volunteer Army. ^[54] Denikin was forced to issue an order prohibiting Jews from joining the Volunteer Army for officer posts. Although a similar order was not issued for Denikin’s soldiers, the artificially high demands on Jewish recruits who were accepted into the army led to the fact that the question of the participation of Jews in the All-Union Union of Judicial Forces was “decided by itself”. ^[55] Denikin himself repeatedly appealed to his commanders “not to set one nationality against another,” but the weakness of his local power was such that he could not prevent the pogroms, especially under the conditions when the propaganda agency of the Denikin government itself was responsible for anti-Jewish agitation - for example, in its propaganda it placed an equal sign between Bolshevism and the Jewish population and called for a "crusade" against the Jews. ^[56]

In his foreign policy, he was guided by the recognition of a state entity under his control by the Entente countries. With the strengthening of his power at the end of 1918 and the formation of the All-Union Socialist League in January 1919, Denikin managed to enlist the support of the Entente and receive its military assistance throughout 1919. During his reign, Denikin did not set the task of international recognition of his government on the part of the Entente, these issues were already decided by his successor Wrangel in 1920. ^[57]

He was negative about the idea of ​​forming a coalition legislative government of anti-Bolshevik forces in southern Russia, he was skeptical about the state abilities of his Don and Kuban allies, believing that the territory subordinate to him “could give a representative body intellectually no higher than the provincial Zemstvo assembly ”. ^[58]

Since mid-1919, a major conflict has been identified between Denikin and Wrangel , one of the commanders of the Volunteer Army who had risen by this time. The contradictions were not political in nature ^[59] : the differences were the difference in the two generals' view of the choice of allies and the further strategy for the forces of the White movement in the South of Russia, which quickly turned into a plane of mutual accusations and diametrically opposed assessments of the same events ^[60] . The starting point of the conflict, the researchers called Denikin in April 1919, the secret report of Wrangel, in which he proposed to make the Tsaritsyno direction of the offensive of the white armies a priority ^[59] . Denikin later published the Moscow Offensive Directive , which, after its failure, was publicly criticized by Wrangel. By the end of 1919, an open confrontation erupted between the generals, Wrangel probed the soil after the change of General Denikin ^[45] , but in January 1920 he resigned, left the territory of the Supreme Soviet Union and left for Constantinople, staying there until the spring of 1920. The conflict between Denikin and Wrangel contributed to the split in the white camp, it continued also in exile.

The repressive policies of the Denikin government are estimated to be similar to those of Kolchak and other military dictatorships ^[61] , or are called more stringent than other white entities, which is explained by the greater fierceness of the Red Terror in the South in comparison with Siberia or other regions ^[62] . Denikin himself transferred the responsibility for organizing the White Terror in the South of Russia to the initiative of his counterintelligence, claiming that it became "sometimes centers of provocation and organized robbery" ^[61] . In August 1918, he was ordered to deliver, by order of the military governor, those responsible for the establishment of Soviet power to the “military field courts of the military unit of the Volunteer Army” ^[62] . In mid-1919, repressive legislation was toughened by the adoption of the “Law on participants in the establishment of Soviet power in the Russian state, as well as consciously promoting its dissemination and consolidation,” according to which persons who were clearly involved in the establishment of Soviet power were subject to the death penalty, and “unlimited penal servitude ”, or“ hard labor from 4 to 20 years ”, or“ correctional detention units from 2 to 6 years ”, for minor violations - imprisonment from a month to 1 g yes 4 months or "monetary penalty" of 300 to 20,000 rubles ^[62] . In addition, “fear of possible coercion” was excluded by Denikin from the section “exemption from liability”, because, according to his resolution, it was “elusive for the court” ^[62] . At the same time, Denikin, with his own propaganda goals ^[61], set the task to study and document the results of the Red Terror . On April 4, 1919, by his order, a Special Investigative Commission was established to investigate the crimes of the Bolsheviks .

In exile

The interwar period

Avoiding Politics and the Period of Active Literature

Coming with his family from Constantinople to the UK, Denikin made stops in Malta and in Gibraltar . In the Atlantic Ocean, the ship fell into a violent storm ^[8] . Arriving in Southampton , he left for London on April 17, 1920, where he was met by representatives of the British War Department, as well as General Holman and a group of Russian leaders, including former Cadet leader Pavel Milyukov and diplomat Yevgeny Sablin , who presented Denikin with thanks and greetings a telegram from Paris sent to the Russian Embassy in London in the name of Denikin with the signatures of Prince George Lvov , Sergei Sazonov , Vasily Maklakov and Boris Savinkov ^[8] . The London press (in particular, The Times and the Daily Herald) noted the arrival of Denikin with respectful articles addressed to the general ^[8] .

He stayed in the UK for several months, first living in London, and then in and Eastbourne ( East Sussex ) ^[14] . In the fall of 1920, a telegram was published in the United Kingdom by Lord Curzon Chicherin , in which he noted that it was his influence that contributed to the conviction of Denikin to leave the post of Supreme Commander of the All-Union Socialist League and transfer it to Wrangel. Denikin in the Times categorically denied Curzon’s statement about any influence of the lord on leaving him the post of Supreme Commander of the All-Union Union of Liberal Democratic Forces, explaining that leaving the reasons was purely personal and demanding the moment, and also refused the offer of Lord Curzon to participate in the conclusion of a truce with the Bolsheviks and said that:

As before, and now I consider the inevitable and necessary armed struggle with the Bolsheviks to be completely defeated. Otherwise, not only Russia, but all of Europe will turn into ruins.

- ^[8]

In protest against the desire of the British government to make peace with Soviet Russia, left England in August 1920 and moved to Belgium , where he settled with his family in Brussels ^[8] and began writing his fundamental documentary study on the Civil War - “Essays Russian troubles . " On Christmas Eve in December 1920, General Denikin wrote to his colleague, the former head of the British mission in the South of Russia, General Briggs :

I completely retired from politics and went all the historical work. I finish the first volume of "Essays", covering the events of the Russian revolution from February 27 to August 27, 1917. In my work I find some oblivion from difficult experiences.

- ^[8]

Gordeev writes that during this period Denikin decided to abandon the further armed struggle in favor of the struggle “by word and pen.” The researcher speaks positively about this choice and notes that thanks to him, the history of Russia of the late XIX - early XX centuries “received a wonderful chronicler” ^[14] .

In June 1922 ^[14] from Belgium moved to Hungary , where he lived and worked until mid- 1925 . During his three years in Hungary, he changed his place of residence three times. First, the general settled in Sopron , then spent several months in Budapest , and then again settled in a provincial town near Lake Balaton ^[8] . Here, work was completed on the latest volumes of the Essays, which were published in Paris and Berlin , and also were abridged and translated in English, French and German. The release of this essay somewhat corrected Denikin's financial situation and gave him the opportunity to look for a more convenient place to live. At this time, Denikin’s long-time friend General Aleksey Chapron du Larre married in Belgium the daughter of General Kornilov and invited the general to return to Brussels in a letter, which was the reason for the move. He stayed in Brussels from mid-1925 until the spring of 1926 ^[8] .

In the spring of 1926 he settled in Paris, which was the center of Russian emigration. Here he took up not only literary, but also social activities. In 1928 he wrote the composition “Officers”, the bulk of the work on which took place in Capbreton, where Denikin often spoke with the writer Ivan Shmelyov ^[22] . Then Denikin began work on the autobiographical story “My Life”. At the same time, he often traveled to Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to give lectures on Russian history ^[14] . In 1931, the “Old Army” was completed, representing a military historical study of the Russian Imperial Army before and during the First World War ^[14] .

Political activities in exile

With the Nazis coming to power in Germany, he condemned Hitler's policies. Unlike a number of emigrant figures who planned to take part in hostilities against the Red Army on the side of foreign states unfriendly of the USSR , advocated the need to support the Red Army against any foreign aggressor, with the subsequent awakening of the Russian spirit in the ranks of this army, which, according to the general, and must overthrow Bolshevism in Russia and at the same time preserve the army itself in Russia ^[14] .

In general, Denikin retained authority among the Russian emigration, but part of the white emigration and subsequent waves of Russian emigration was critical of Denikin. Among them was the successor in the post of the Supreme Commander of the All-Union Union of Liberal Democratic Forces, Peter Wrangel ^[63] , writer Ivan Solonevich ^[64] , philosopher Ivan Ilyin ^[63] and others. For military-strategic miscalculations during the Civil War, Denikin was criticized by such prominent emigration figures as military specialist and historian General Nikolai Golovin , Colonel Arseniy Zaitov ^[63] and others. Denikin also had difficult relations with a divergence of views on the further continuation of the white struggle with the Russian All-Military Union (ROVS) , a military emigrant organization of former White Movement participants.

In September 1932, a group of former volunteer army members close to Denikin established the Union of Volunteers organization . The newly created organization worried the leadership of the ROVS, which claimed leadership in organizing military unions in an emigrant environment. Denikin supported the creation of the Union of Volunteers and believed that the EMRO in the early 1930s. was in crisis ^[65] . Headed the Union of Volunteers ^{[66] [67]} .

In 1936 he founded the newspaper Volunteer , which until 1938 was published in Paris by G. D. Leslie with the participation of the Union of Volunteers, on the pages of which Denikin's articles were published ^[66] . In total, three issues were released in February of each year, and they were dedicated to the anniversary of the First Kuban (Ice) campaign ^[68] .

At the end of 1938, he was a witness in the case of Nadezhda Plevitskaya about the abduction of the head of the ROVS, General Yevgeny Miller, and the loss of General Nikolai Skoblin (husband of Plevitskaya). His appearance on the court in the French newspaper press on December 10, 1938 was seen as a sensation ^[69] . He testified in which he expressed his distrust of Skoblin and Plevitskaya, and also expressed confidence in the involvement of both in the abduction of Miller ^[70]

World War II

On the eve of World War II, Denikin gave a lecture in Paris, “ World Events and the Russian Question, ” which was subsequently published in 1939 as a separate pamphlet ^[14] . In this book, “World Events and the Russian Question,” he outlined his positions in connection with the impending war, the participation of the USSR in which seemed inevitable: “You cannot - they say alone - to defend Russia, undermining its forces by overthrowing the government ... You cannot - say others - to overthrow the Soviet regime without the participation of external forces, even those pursuing captivating goals ... In a word, either the Bolshevik noose, or a foreign yoke. I don’t accept either the loop or the yoke. I believe and confess: The overthrow of Soviet power and the defense of Russia ” ^[71] .

The outbreak of World War II ( September 1, 1939) caught General Denikin in the south of France in the village of Montaigne-o-Viscount, where he left Paris to work on his work, The Way of the Russian Officer. According to the author’s intention, this work was to be both an introduction and an addition to “Essays on the Russian Troubles” ^[22] . The German invasion of France in May 1940 forced Denikin to make a decision to leave Burg-la-Rennes (near Paris) in a hurry and travel by car to one of his comrade-in-arms Colonel Glotov to the south of France to the Spanish border. In Mimizan, north of Biarritz, German motorized units overtook a car with Denikin ^[22] . Instead, Denikin was arrested and imprisoned by the Germans under the arrest of his wife Ksenia Vasilievna. After a short imprisonment, she was released and the couple continued to live in the same place under the control of the German commandant's office and the Gestapo ^[2] Many of the books, brochures and articles written by Denikin in the 1930s were on the list of banned literature in the territory controlled The Third Reich, and were seized.

Refused to register in the German commandant’s office as a stateless person (who were Russian emigrants), citing the fact that he was a subject of the Russian Empire , and no one took this citizenship from him ^[2] .

In 1942, the German authorities again offered Denikin cooperation and relocation to Berlin ^[72] , this time demanding, according to Ippolitov’s hypothesis, that he lead anti-communist forces from among Russian emigrants under the auspices of the Third Reich, but received the general’s decisive refusal ^[2] .

Gordeev, referring to the information obtained in archival documents, cites information that in 1943 Denikin sent a wagon with medicines to the Red Army at his personal expense, which puzzled Stalin and the Soviet leadership. It was decided to take the medications, and not to disclose the name of the author of their dispatch ^[14] .

Remaining a staunch opponent of the Soviet system, he called on emigrants not to support Germany in the war with the USSR (the slogan “Defending Russia and the overthrow of Bolshevism”), repeatedly calling all representatives of the emigration “Germans”, “defeatists” and “Hitler fans” collaborating with Germans ^[14] .

At the same time, when one of the Wehrmacht ’s eastern battalions was stationed in Mimizan, where Denikin lived, in the fall of 1943, he softened his attitude towards ordinary soldiers from former Soviet citizens. He believed that their transition to the enemy’s side was explained by inhuman conditions of detention in Nazi concentration camps and the national identity of the Russian man mutilated by Bolshevik ideology. Denikin expressed his views on the Russian liberation movement in two unpublished essays, General Vlasov and Vlasovites, and World War II. Russia and abroad ” ^[72] .

In June 1945, after the surrender of Germany, Denikin returned to Paris.

Relocation to the USA

Strengthened after World War II, Soviet influence in Europe forced the general to leave France. In the USSR, Denikin’s patriotic position during the Second World War was known, and Stalin did not raise the question of the forcible deportation of Denikin to the Soviet state before the governments of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition . But Denikin himself did not have accurate information on this subject and experienced a certain discomfort and fear for his life. In addition, Denikin felt that under direct or indirect Soviet control he was limited in his ability to express his views in print ^[2] .

Obtaining an American quota visa was difficult for Russian emigrants, and Denikin and his wife, as those born in the territory of modern Poland, were able to apply for an American immigrant visa through the Polish embassy ^[13] . Leaving their daughter Marina in Paris, on November 21, 1945, they left for Dieppe ^{[2] [13]} , and from there they arrived in Newhaven to London . On December 8, 1945, the Denikin family left the ship's ramp in New York ^[2] .

In the USA he continued work on the book “My Life”. In January 1946, he called on General Dwight Eisenhower to stop the forcible extradition to the USSR of former Soviet citizens who had entered German military formations during the war ^[15] . He made public presentations: in January, he gave a lecture in New York, “World War and Russian Military Emigration,” and on February 5, spoke to an audience of 700 people at a conference in the Manhattan Center ^[2] . In the spring of 1946, he often visited the New York Public Library on 42nd Street ^[2] .

In the summer of 1946, he made a Russian Question memorandum addressed to the governments of Great Britain and the United States, in which, admitting a military clash between the leading Western powers and Soviet Russia in order to overthrow the rule of the Communists, he warned them of their intentions to dismember Russia in this case ^[72] .

Before his death, at the invitation of acquaintances, he went on vacation to a farm near Lake Michigan , where on June 20, 1947 he was struck by his first heart attack, after which he was admitted to the hospital of Ann Arbor, nearest to the farm ^[2] .

Death and funeral

He died of a heart attack on August 7, 1947 at the University of Michigan hospital in Ann Arbor and was buried in a cemetery in Detroit . American authorities buried him as commander-in-chief of an allied army with military honors ^[15] . On December 15, 1952, by decision of the White Cossack community of the United States, the remains of General Denikin were transferred to the Orthodox Cossack St. Vladimir's Cemetery in the town of Kesville, in Jackson, in the state of New Jersey .

On October 3, 2005, the ashes of General Denikin and his wife Ksenia Vasilievna, together with the remains of the Russian philosopher Ivan Ilyin and his wife Natalya Nikolaevna ( 1882 - 1963 ), were transported to Moscow for burial in the Donskoy Monastery ^[73] . The reburial was carried out in accordance with the instructions of the President of Russia Vladimir Putin and the Government of the Russian Federation with the consent of the daughter of Denikin Marina Denikina-Gray and was organized by the Russian Culture Fund .

In 2009, Tikhon (Shevkunov) stated that Putin, seeing photographs of the graves of Denikin, Ilyin and Shmelev, which were in very poor condition, instructed to make new gravestones, and then personally approved their sketches. When the question arose about financing work, then, according to Tikhon, Putin said: "I myself, am ready to pay for everything out of personal money." “This was done: Vladimir Vladimirovich personally paid for everything,” Tikhon said ^[74] .

General

One of the main Soviet and Russian researchers of Denikin’s biography, Doctor of Historical Sciences Georgy Ippolitov called Denikin a bright, dialectically contradictory and tragic figure in Russian history ^[75] .

Nikolai Timashev , a Russian emigrant sociologist, political scientist, and historian, noted that Denikin went down in history primarily as the leader of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia , and his troops came as close to Moscow as possible from the White Movement ^[6] . Such estimates are shared by other authors ^[5] .

Frequent are Denikin’s assessments as a consistent Russian patriot who remained faithful to Russia throughout his life ^{[3] [45]} . Often, researchers and biographers highly value the moral qualities of Denikin ^[8] . Denikin seems to many authors an implacable enemy of the Soviet regime ^[3] , while his position during the Second World War, when he supported the Red Army in its confrontation with the Wehrmacht, is called patriotic ^[14] .

Historian and writer, researcher of military biography of Denikin Vladimir Cherkasov-Georgievsky depicted a psychological portrait of Denikin, where he presented him as a typical liberal military intellectual, a special kind of church-Orthodox man with a "republican" accent, which is characterized by impulsiveness, eclecticism, hash, lack of solid monolith . Such people are "undecided" indecisive, and it was they, in the author's opinion, who gave birth to Kerensky and Februaryism in Russia. In Denikin, "intelligently commonplace" tried to get along "with genuine Orthodox asceticism" ^{[76] [77]} .

The American historian Peter Kenes wrote that throughout his life Denikin always clearly identified himself with Orthodoxy and belonging to Russian civilization and culture, and during the Civil War he was one of the most uncompromising defenders of Russia's unity, struggling with the separation of national suburbs from it ^[78] .

The historian Igor Khodakov , discussing the reasons for the defeat of the White movement, wrote that Denikin’s thoughts as a Russian idealist intellectual were completely incomprehensible to ordinary workers and peasants ^[77] , the American historian Peter Kenes drew attention to a similar problem ^[79] . According to the assessment of the historian Lyudmila Antonova, Denikin is a phenomenon of Russian history and culture, his thoughts and political views are the achievement of Russian civilization and "represent a positive potential for today's Russia" ^[80] .

Doctor of Historical Sciences Vladimir Fedyuk writes that Denikin could not become a charismatic leader in 1918 due to the fact that, unlike the Bolsheviks, who created a new statehood on the principle of real great power, he continued to remain in the position of declarative great power ^{[81] [82]} . Ioffe writes that Denikin was a representative of Russian liberalism for political reasons, that he remained faithful to the end, and it was they who played the “not the best role” with the general in the Civil War ^[15] . An assessment of Denikin's political convictions as liberal is also characteristic of many other contemporary authors.

The current state of Denikin’s study is assessed in Russian historiography as continuing to contain many unresolved discussion issues ^[80] , as well as, in Panov’s opinion, to bear the imprint of political conjuncture ^[83] .

In Soviet historiography

In the 1920s, Soviet historians characterized Denikin as a politician who sought to find "some kind of middle line between extreme reaction and" liberalism "and in his views" approached right-wing Octoberism "" ^[84] , and later Denikin’s rule in Soviet historiography began to be regarded as an "unlimited dictatorship" ^{[85] [86]} . Denisin’s journalism researcher, candidate of historical sciences, Denis Panov writes that in the 1930-1950s, Soviet historiography formed cliches in the assessment of Denikin (as well as other figures of the White movement): “counter-revolutionary rabble”, “whiteguard bastard”, “lackeys of imperialism” et al. “In some historical works (A. Kabeshev, F. Kuznetsov), white generals turn“ into caricature characters, ”are reduced to“ the role of evil robbers from a children's fairy tale, ”” Panov writes ^[83] .

The Soviet historiographic reality in the study of Denikin's military and political activities during the Civil War was the idea of ​​Denikin as the creator of the “ Denikinism ” ^[87] , characterized as a military dictatorship of the general, counter-revolutionary, reactionary regime . The erroneous ^[75] statement about the monarchical and restoration nature of Denikin’s policy, its connection with the imperialist forces of the Entente , which carried out the campaign against Soviet Russia , was characteristic. Denikin's democratic slogans about the convening of the Constituent Assembly seemed to be a cover for monarchist goals. On the whole, in Soviet historical science there has developed a revealing bias in the coverage of events and phenomena related to Denikin ^[75] .

According to Antonova, in modern science, many of Denikin’s assessments by Soviet historiography are mostly perceived as biased ^[80] . Ippolitov writes that no serious success was achieved in the study of this problem in Soviet science, because “in the absence of creative freedom it was not possible to investigate the problems of the White movement, including the activities of General Denikin” ^[75] . Panov writes about Soviet assessments as “far from objectivity and impartiality” ^[83] .

In Ukrainian historiography after 1991

Modern Ukrainian historiography studies Denikin mainly in the context of the stay of the armed forces controlled by him in Ukraine and represents him as the creator of the regime of military dictatorship in Ukraine. His criticism is widespread for a pronounced anti-Ukrainian position, which was reflected in Denikin ’s appeal “To the Population of Little Russia” published in the summer of 1919, according to which the name Ukraine was replaced, replaced by the South of Russia , Ukrainian institutions were closed, the Ukrainian movement was announced “traitorous”. The regime created by Denikin in Ukraine is also charged with anti-Semitism , Jewish pogroms and punitive expeditions against the peasantry ^[88] .

Частыми в украинской историографии являются оценки причин поражения Белого движения, возглавляемого Деникиным, как результата неприятия им сотрудничества с национальными движениями, прежде всего, украинским. Успех Деникина на Украине в 1919 году объясняется активностью украинских партизанских движений, которые способствовали ослаблению большевиков на Украине, в качестве причин поражения значительное внимание уделяется неучёту местных особенностей и игнорированию Деникиным права украинского народа на самоопределение, что оттолкнуло широкие крестьянские массы Украины от деникинских политических программ ^[47] .

• Орден Святого Станислава 3-й степени (1902)
• Орден Святой Анны 3-й степени с мечами и бантами (1904) ^[3]
• Орден Святого Станислава 2-й степени с мечами (1904) ^[3]
• Орден Святой Анны 2-й степени с мечами (1905) ^[3]
• Орден Святого Владимира 4-й степени (ВП 6.12.1909)
• Орден Святого Владимира 3-й степени (ВП 18.04.1914) ^[3]
• мечи к Ордену Святого Владимира 3-й степени (ВП 19.11.1914) ^[3]
• Орден Святого Георгия 4-й степени (ВП 24.04.1915) ^[3]
• Орден Святой Анны 1-й степени с мечами (ВП 12.06.1915)
• Орден Святого Станислава 1-й степени с мечами (ВП 12.06.1915)
• Орден Святого Георгия 3-й степени (ВП 03.11.1915) ^[3]
• Георгиевское оружие (ВП 10.11.1915) ^[22]
• Георгиевское оружие, украшенное бриллиантами ^[89] , с надписью «За двукратное освобождение Луцка» (ВП 22.09.1916) ^[22]

• Серебряная медаль «В память царствования императора Александра III» (1896) ^[3]
• Светло-бронзовая медаль «В память русско-японской войны» ^[3]
• Медаль «В память 100-летия Отечественной войны 1812 г.» (1912) ^[3]
• Медаль «В память 300-летия царствования дома Романовых» (1913) ^[3]
• Знак 1-го Кубанского (Ледяного) похода № 3 (1918)

Foreign:

• румынский Орден Михая Храброго 3-й степени(1917) ^[3]
• французский Военный крест (1917)
• британский Ордена Бани , почётный рыцарь-командор (1919)

• В июле 1919 года с ходатайством к Деникину о «даровании» своего имени в наименование полка обращался 83-й пехотный Самурский полк .
• В Саратове в доме, где жил Деникин в 1907—1910 годах, работает магазин с названием «Дом Деникина» ^[90] .
• В Саратове 17 декабря 2012 года в Поволжском институте управления имени Столыпина по инициативе директора института и бывшего губернатора Саратовской области Дмитрия Аяцкова в 140-летие со дня рождения Деникина была установлена мемориальная доска ^[91] .
• В марте 2006 года в Феодосии на стене гостиницы «Астория» была установлена памятная доска, посвящённая последним дням пребывания Антона Деникина в России ^[92] .
• В мае 2009 года на личные средства премьер-министра России Владимира Путина ^[93] в Донском монастыре был сооружён мемориал белым воинам ^{[94] [95]} . На могиле Деникина, ставшей частью этого мемориала, было установлено мраморное надгробие, а прилегающая к надгробию территория благоустроена. Весной — летом 2009 года имя генерала Деникина находилось в центре внимания СМИ в связи с цитированием Путиным мемуаров Деникина в части его отношения к Украине ^{[93] [96]} .
• Согласно утверждениям некоторых авторов, в Маньчжурии до настоящего времени сохранилась сопка, которая носит имя Деникина. Такое имя сопка получила во время русско-японской войны за заслуги Деникина в ходе её взятия ^[15] .

В кино

• 1967 — « Железный поток » — актёр Леонид Галлис .
• 1977 — « Хождение по мукам » — актёр Юрий Горобец .
• 2005 — «Гибель империи» — Фёдор Бондарчук .
• 2007 — « Девять жизней Нестора Махно » — Алексей Безсмертный .

In the literature

1. Толстой А. Н. « Хождение по мукам ».
2. Sholokhov M. A. “ Quiet Don ”.
3. Solzhenitsyn A. I. "The Red Wheel ".
4. Cooper Alexander "Black Avengers".
5. Karpenko Vladimir , Karpenko Sergey . Exodus. - M., 1984.
6. Karpenko Vladimir, Karpenko Sergey . Wrangel in the Crimea. - M .: Spas, 1995 .-- 623 p.
7. Bulgarian I., Seversky G. “The Seven Circles of Hell” (Series “Adjutant of His Excellency”).
8. Akunin B. I do not say goodbye.

• Denikin A. I. Russian-Chinese Question: Military-Political Essay. - Warsaw: Type. Warsaw School District, 1908. - 56 p.
• Denikin A.I. Scout team: A manual for conducting classes in the infantry. - St. Petersburg: V. Berezovsky, 1909. - 40 p.
• Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles: - T. I − V. . - Paris; Berlin: Ed. Povolotsky; Word; The Bronze Horseman, 1921−1926. ; M .: "Science", 1991 .; Iris Press, 2006. - (White Russia). - ISBN 5-8112-1890-7 .
• General AI Denikine. La décomposition de l'armée et du pouvoir, fevrier-septembre 1917 .. - Paris: J. Povolozky, 1921 .-- 342 p.
• General AI Denikin. The Russian turmoil; memoirs: military, social, and political . - London: Hutchinson & Co, 1922 .-- 344 p.
• Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. T. 1-5, Paris, b / g. [1921-1926], 345 p.
• Denikin A. I. Campaign and death of General Kornilov. M. — L., State. ed., 1928.106 p. 5,000 copies
• Denikin A.I.March to Moscow. (Essays on Russian Troubles). M., "Federation", [1928]. 314 p. 10,000 copies
• Denikin A.I. Officers. Essays. - Paris: Rodnik, 1928 .-- 141 p.
• Denikin A.I. The Old Army. - Paris: Rodnik, 1929, 1931. - T. I-II.
• Denikin A. I. Russian question in the Far East . - Paris: Imp Basile, 1, villa Chauvelot, 1932 .-- 35 p.
• Denikin A.I. Brest-Litovsk. - Paris. - 1933: Petropolis. - 52 p.
• Denikin A. I. International situation, Russia and emigration. - Paris, 1934. - 20 p.
• Denikin A.I. Who saved the Soviet regime from death? . - Paris, 1939. - 18 p.
• Denikin A.I. World events and the Russian question . - Ed. Union of volunteers. - Paris, 1939 .-- 85 p.
• Denikin A. I. The Way of the Russian Officer . - New York: Ed. them. A. Chekhov, 1953.- 382 p. (posthumous publication of Denikin’s unfinished autobiographical work “My Life”); M .: Sovremennik, 1991 .-- 299 p. - ISBN 5-270-01484-X .

The manuscripts of Denikin’s books “World War II. Russia and Emigration ”and“ The White Movement Movement, ”which was Denikin’s response to criticism of General N. N. Golovin in the book“ Russian Counter-Revolution. 1917-1920. " ^[72]

Comments

Used literature and sources

Research and non-fiction

• N.V. Ogarkov. Denikin Anton Ivanovich // Soviet Military Encyclopedia. - M: Military Publishing House, 1977. - T. 3. - S. 147-148. - 672 p. - 105,000 copies.

Memories and documents

• Budyonny S. M. Book One. Chapters V — XIV. // The path traveled . - Moscow: Military Publishing, 1958.- 448 p. - not specified copies.
• Denikin M.A. (Gray M.) . My father is General Denikin / Pod. Ed. and. n A. Ya. Degtyareva. - M .: Parade., 2003 .-- 376 p. - ISBN 5-7739-0044-0 .
• Egorov A.I. The defeat of Denikin 1919 . - Moscow; St. Petersburg: ACT; Terra Fantastica, 2003 .-- 640 p. - 5,000 copies. - ISBN 5-17-015247-7 , 5-7921-0630-4.
• Obolensky V.A. Crimea under Denikin (Rus.) // On the Other Side: Historical and Literary Collection. - Berlin - Prague: “Vataga” and “Flame”, 1924. - T. VIII .
• Sokolov K. N. The Board of General Denikin. // White business: Selected works in 16 books. Kuban and the Volunteer Army. : multivolume edition. - Moscow, 1992.
• Meeting Logs of the Special Meeting of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces in the South of Russia A.I. Denikin, September 1918 - December 1919. M.: ROSSPEN, 2008.

• Ivanov I. B. Do not bury the white idea. Statement by the Russian All-Military Union regarding the reburial of the ashes of General A. I. Denikin (neopr.) By the KGB . Personal page of the chairman of the ROVS I. B. Ivanov (October 2005). Date of treatment September 22, 2012. Archived October 17, 2012.
• Ishin A. V. "Power must not allow revenge and class enmity." Historical sources on the domestic politics of General Denikin (Russian) . Information and analytical newspaper "Crimean Echo" (July 20, 2012). Date of treatment November 9, 2012. Archived November 19, 2012.
• Trotsky L. D. Youth, to fight Denikin! (unspecified) . Speech at the II All-Russian Congress of the Russian Communist Youth Union (October 5, 1919). Date of treatment September 22, 2012. Archived October 17, 2012.
• Denikin, Anton Ivanovich (neopr.) . // Project "Russian Army in the Great War".