Solonevich, Ivan Lukyanovich

Origin. Life before the Revolution

Researchers of his biography still have not agreed on the place of birth of Ivan Solonevich. In the documents drawn up by Solonevich himself or, according to him, at least six settlements (Ukhanovets, Gorodnya , Novosyolki, Rudniki, Shkurets and Tsekhanovets ) are indicated as the place of birth. For a long time, various biographies indicated that he was born in the village of Rudniki of the Pruzhany district , but researcher I.P. Voronin, author of a biographical study about Ivan Solonevich, indicates that Rudniki was first indicated as the place of his birth in the essay of I. Dyakov in 1991 , and later this information was repeated by other authors without verification. In the materials of the student case of Solonevich published by T. D. Ismagulova, the place of birth and baptism indicates the town of Ciechanovets of the Belsky district of the Grodno province ^[2] . The authors of books about Solonevich, N. Nikandrov and I. Voronin, tend to consider this version true ^{[3] [4]} . His mother was the daughter of a priest Julia Vikentievna, nee Yarushevich (the younger sister of the historian A.V. Yarushevich ), the father of a village teacher Lukyan Mikhailovich , from the peasants. In the family, besides Ivan, there were two more brothers Vsevolod (born in 1895), Boris (born in 1898) and sister Lyubov (born in 1900). At the beginning of the new century, his parents divorced without a divorce, and his father for several years (until the death of Julia in March 1915) actually had two families. The second wife gave birth to his son Eugene and two daughters. ^[5] . Ivan later repeatedly indicated in his articles that he had grown up in a “peasant-priestly family”, “very conservative and religiously inclined,” Russian culture and traditions were cultivated in it. Father for the rest of his life instilled in Ivan the idea of ​​the inadmissibility of resolving public conflicts by violence, evolution as the only acceptable way of state progress, and the inviolability of private property. Ivan's father believed that autocracy creates the best conditions for popular development and prosperity and influenced the foundations of Ivan's future imperial ideology. Subsequently, L. M. Solonevich became a statistical official in Grodno , then a journalist, editor of the newspaper " Grodno Provincial Gazette ", and then the publisher of the newspaper " North-West Life " - major publications of Western Russian orientation ^[6] . He was drawn attention and supported (often with his own money), which became in 1902 the governor of Grodno P. A. Stolypin ^[7] .

Ivan Solonevich studied at the Grodno Gymnasium , in addition to studying, he and his brothers did gymnastics in the Polish Falcon . Together with his friend D. M. Mikhailov, he tried to organize the Russian Falcon, but the idea did not find support in society, and soon the organization broke up. When Solonevich’s father started publishing the newspaper Belorusskaya Zhizn (the Life of the West was called January 1, 1911 to August 1911), Ivan took the place of his chief assistant. In 1912, he externally passed exams at the 2nd Vilnius Gymnasium , where he received a certificate of maturity. ^[8] He began his professional career as a journalist in the same newspaper, which was now called Northwest Life, where he began to publish his notes on sports topics. After moving to Petrograd, he worked in the newspaper New Time. Since 1912, he began to address serious problems in journalistic articles. During this period, Solonevich’s worldview, his political and life beliefs ^{[9] were} laid. The situation in the Northwest Territory in the 1910s was turbulent. Despite the fact that during the Stolypin reforms , Russian elective curiae were introduced, allowing the Russian people to elect their representatives to the State Duma , the struggle for the Russian cause carried some danger. As Solonevich recalled, two or three times he had to defend his printing house with Jewish revolvers with a revolver ^[10] . Despite this, Ivan Lukyanovich was never anti-Semitic, he justified the revolution of the Jews by anti-Semitism, always condemned the pogroms and subsequently condemned the “zoological” anti-Semitism prevalent in the right-wing milieu. At the same time, he considered the percentage norm in educational institutions and the existence of the Pale of Settlement in tsarist Russia justified by the fact that there were not enough places in educational institutions, it was therefore difficult for Russian peasants to act, and due to the low level of education of Russian merchants outside the Pale of Settlement allegedly could not compete with the Jewish. After the elimination of illiteracy in the USSR, these restrictions, in his opinion, are no longer necessary.

At first, he failed the entrance exam for the economic department of the Polytechnic , but in the fall of 1913 he entered the law faculty of St. Petersburg University , where the requirements for applicants were not so high. Among fellow students of Solonevich was the poet Nikolai Gumilyov . While studying at the university, Solonevich did not quit his job as the secretary of the editors of the North-West Life, living alternately in St. Petersburg and Belarus (the editors were in Grodno, and from February 1913 in Minsk ) ^[11] . Solonevich also did not leave sports - on a professional level he was engaged in wrestling, boxing and weightlifting (in the Minsk branch of the sports society “ Sanitas ”), played soccer, acted as a judge at football matches in Minsk, and also participated in the creation of Minsk Russian The Falcon . In 1914, he took 2nd place in the Russian Weightlifting Championship, which included freestyle wrestling. In 1914 , violating the university charter (without asking permission from the rector), Solonevich married Tamara Vladimirovna Voskresenskaya, a French teacher and aspiring journalist, daughter of Colonel V. I. Voskresensky, his niece who later became his opponent, lawyer and journalist A. S. Shmakov ^[12] . Ivan studied at the university for 6 semesters, until the spring of 1915, when he had to leave the alma mater. ^[eight]

World War I

The First World War began , Solonevich dropped out of the university (“for non-payment”, as the student case says). Solonevich was not drafted into the army due to myopia ^[13] . February 24, 1915 he became the publisher of the newspaper " North-Western Life ", whose editors were moved to Minsk . In September 1915, due to the complication of the situation at the front, the publication of the newspaper had to be suspended, as it turned out, forever. Returning to St. Petersburg, he had to start his career from scratch, running around the editorial offices and writing various one-time reports, since his experience in the provincial press was not enough to quickly get a job in the capital’s newspapers. At the same time, Solonevich believed that not all newspapers could be suitable for him, since he was very much in need of income and was not going to change his beliefs (“Monarchy, Orthodoxy, People”). And even experiencing severe hunger rejected the "pink" liberal trends, which at that time were prevalent in the capital ^[14] . With the assistance of A. M. Rennikov, Ivan Solonevich got a job in the New Time newspaper. In addition, he worked as a freelance forensic chronicler in several Petersburg newspapers. October 15, 1915 the only son of the Solonevichs was born - Yuri. In early August 1916, Ivan Solonevich was drafted into the army and enlisted as a 2nd-rank warrior in the reserve battalion of the Life Guards of the Köksholm Regiment , but he was not taken to the front due to poor vision and was assigned to the regiment's sewing workshop. Unsatisfied with this type of occupation, as well as with service in a binding workshop, Solonevich obtained permission to organize sports classes for the training team and sports activities for the rest of the soldiers. The relatively free schedule (from 6 to 10 hours) allowed him to continue journalistic work. In January 1917, Solonevich was commissioned due to progressive myopia ^[15] . In February, he paid off 50 rubles of arrears at the university and was reinstated in the number of law students ^[16] , however, Ivan could not start his studies due to revolutionary events. Therefore, speaking subsequently of his education, Solonevich liked to ironize: “I, more or less, graduated from St. Petersburg Imperial University” ^[17] .

Returning to the state of "New time", Solonevich in this pre-revolutionary time, on behalf of B. A. Suvorin, was collecting information on the state of affairs in the capital ^[18] .

Revolution and Civil War

As a journalist for the New Times, Solonevich observed the February Revolution and its consequences. After February, he, together with a group of student athletes, tried to work as a loader, since the work of a loader was paid five times higher than the work of a journalist (the attempt was unsuccessful - they failed to establish relations with professional movers, they were perceived as an insult to the students' denial of the denatured alcohol used by movers) . Famine began in Petrograd, and Solonevich had to live in a " black market ." Together with his cousin Timofei Stepanovich Solonevich (a metallurgical worker who had previously earned less at the Lessner factory than Ivan as a journalist), he traveled to Luga , Tosno and other similar places where he spent editorial advances on the purchase of bread, flour, and lard from the peasants. At this time, he participated in student militia organized on a voluntary basis at the Committee for Military-Technical Assistance since the beginning of the February Revolution by student athletes. But policing them was successful only with the strengthening of student police by armed soldiers (for example, 10 soldiers per student). Solonevich was the head of the Vasileostrovsky branch, and all in all there were about 700 students in the organization who tried to keep order. Through A. M. Rennikov, Solonevich contacted counterintelligence, and during the Kornilovsky speech he turned to Ataman A.I. Dutov , whose Cossack troops were supposed to support the performance in Petrograd, with help from students. Dutov refused a request to give them weapons, which Solonevich subsequently very much regretted all his life, because by virtue of high conceit he believed that under his command the armed student police would help Kornilov or the student police subordinate to P.I. Palchinsky who defended the Winter Palace could prevent the transfer of power into the hands of the Bolsheviks, if it was armed. But neither Solonevich himself nor other members of the student police came to defend the Winter Palace, where there were a lot of weapons and where the defense of the Bolsheviks was led by the head of the student police, Petrograd. ^[19] .

After the final seizure of power in Petrograd by the Bolsheviks after the suppression of the uprising of the cadets (who were much more than members of the student police), Ivan fled to the south of Russia, to Kiev with his wife and brother Boris; in the Civil War he was on the side of the White Movement , repeatedly changed his place of residence, carrying out agents' orders, collaborating with I.M. Kalinnikov , getting secret information that, as it turned out, no one had read and no one was useful to. He worked in the newspaper “ Evening Lights ”, published under the auspices of the Kiev Bureau of the Union for the Liberation of Russia (from September to November 1919). As a correspondent for the newspaper, he met with the Bolshevik D.Z. Manuilsky , in a conversation with whom he expressed the idea that Bolshevism is doomed because of the lack of sympathy of the masses, to which Manuilsky replied: “... what the hell is the sympathy of the masses? We need an apparatus of power. And we will have it. And the sympathy of the masses? In the end, we don’t give a damn about the sympathy of the masses. ” This conversation was of great importance for the formation of Solonevich’s views on Soviet power ^[20] .

In Kiev, for a few days, Ivan, brother Boris, who worked in the OSVAG , came to Ivan. He told him about the situation in the White Army, about his unwillingness to continue working in the agency, in which real counterintelligence and propaganda activities were gradually minimized. The middle brother Vsevolod, who fought in the Wrangel Army and served as a commandant on the battleship General Alekseev , died in 1920 ^[21] .

Life in Soviet Russia

Ivan Solonevich continued his underground activities in Odessa , where he left Kiev without a family on the penultimate train under the threat of the Reds (the last train from Kiev left the armored train , on which his brother Vsevolod served). Until the beginning of 1920, Ivan Lukyanovich collaborated in the newspaper " Son of the Fatherland " and tried to arrange for his wife and son to move to Odessa to evacuate with the whites. ^[22] During the evacuation of whites, he contracted typhus and ended up in the hospital. Already after the evacuation of whites, Tamara Solonevich unexpectedly arrived with Yura. The Solonevichs settled in a private house, Ivan Lukyanovich organized an artel and engaged in fishing, and his wife managed to get a translator for the Odessa radio station . Solonevich became close to the anti-Soviet group, which included his old acquaintance in Kiev, S. L. Wojciechowski . According to the denunciations of the old gardener, in early June 1920 the Odessa Cheka went to an underground organization, in which Ivan Solonevich was a member, and he and his wife and child were sent to prison. Three months later they were released, because they could not prove their involvement in the organization. As it turned out, they were helped by a certain young Jew, Spiegel, whom Solonevich had once rendered a favor. Related to the work of the Cheka, Spiegel stole not only all the evidence from the Solonevich’s affairs, but also the affairs themselves. ^[23] .

After leaving prison, they moved to the city of Ananyev near Odessa, where Boris Solonevich visited them. The brothers organized a “traveling circus”, toured the villages, arranging power performances, wrestling and boxing fights for the peasants (for some time they performed together with Ivan Poddubny ) ^[24] . Food was paid. In the summer of 1921, Ivan Solonevich returned to Odessa. Having rented an apartment in the center of Odessa, Solonevichi began to re-equip themselves. Tamara was the first to get a job, got a job in ARA . Ivan went to work as a loader, this allowed to extract money and food. In 1922, he joined the cooperative of the 51st Division ^[25] . In 1921-1925, Solonevich was in charge of the really nonexistent “First Odessa Sports Club”, subordinate to Vsevobuch , in which the group of former “ Falcons ” ^[26] supervised sports work, worked as a sports instructor in the Odessa Provincial Food Committee and inspector of the Odessa Council of Physical Education. At that time Evgeny Solonevich, who was fishing in Yalta , also lived in the south. In 1924, Ivan Solonevich began to be published in the Soviet press - “ Red Sport ” and “ Bulletin of Physical Culture ” ^{[27] [28]} .

In the fall of 1925, Ivan Solonevich, thanks to fame in the sports world, managed to find work as the chairman of the weight-lifting section of the Scientific and Technical Committee of the Higher Council of Physical Education . Weightlifting then included freestyle wrestling and self-defense. A year later, his wife and son moved to Moscow, and Solonevich himself got the job of physical education inspector in the Cult Department of the Central Committee of the CCTS . The wife got a job as a translator of the Foreign Relations Commission at the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions ^[29] . The Solonevichs settled in Brother Boris’s room, which he received while working as an inspector of the physical training of the Navy , but since he was exiled to Solovki , Ivan got the room. In the apartment of house number 75 on Tverskaya Street , where Solonevich lived, there were seven rooms in which eight families huddled, and one of them lived in the bathroom. The living conditions in Moscow of those times were unbearable, and Solonevich and his family moved out of town to Saltykovka (12 Lugovaya Street) ^[30] , where he managed to remove the attic . In addition to sports work, Solonevich was engaged in photo reporting, sports journalism, wrote six books on sports topics, read reports on sports topics, and also tried to make a living in other ways. In particular, in 1928 Solonevich prepared manuals with a volume of over three hundred pages: “Weight Lifting” for the Book Publishing House of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions and “Self-Defense and Attack without Weapons” for the publishing house of the NKVD of the RSFSR, published in the journals “ Physical Culture and Sport ”, “ Activist ”, “ Issues of Shorthand and typewriting ”,“ Theory and Practice of Physical Culture Work ”,“ Medical Worker ”,“ Our Newspaper ” ^[31] . He was repeatedly invited to Dynamo for a consultation of the company's coaches. In 1927, Ivan Solonevich was offered the position of head of the club of the Soviet trade mission in England, but the appointment was prevented by a diplomatic scandal that erupted between the USSR and England because of suspicions that some employees of the Soviet trading company ARKOS were engaged in espionage. In 1928, Solonevich’s overseas business trip failed for sports equipment — the OGPU refused to issue a travel permit without explanation ^[32] . In 1930, Solonevich was dismissed from the CCTS, and got a job as a physical education instructor in the association of field cooperation ^[31] . Tamara Solonevich subsequently worked as a referent for the International Committee of Miners under the Profintern , and from 1928 to 1931 she again worked as a translator in the Berlin trade mission, upon returning from Germany , and in 1932 entered into a fictitious marriage with a German citizen and left for Germany. Ivan and Boris made the final decision to flee the Soviet Union. Since 1927, Ivan Solonevich regularly traveled to Leningrad under the guise of journalistic work and was preparing for the escape. An anti-Soviet society gathered in the apartment of the Przhiyalgovsky family, into which then a secret officer N. A. Babenko was introduced, dedicated to the border crossing plans ^[33] .

Preparing to escape from the USSR, Solonevich did not stop journalistic activities and the study of Soviet reality. In a fairly short time he managed to make many trips made under the guise of business trips from the editorial offices of Moscow newspapers and magazines. He visited the Urals , the Volga region , Karelia , Dagestan , Abkhazia , Svaneti . So, he described his trip to Kyrgyzstan in several articles in the journal “ On Land and at Sea ”, in a veiled form, reporting on the inefficiency of the Soviet system of socialist construction. The hidden purpose of the trips was to explore the possibilities of escape across the Persian border, but upon closer inspection, Solonevich came to the conclusion that it was impossible to escape a family group along such a route. (Already in exile, Solonevich wrote the story "Pamir", published in 1937 and containing a description of the real and fictional adventures of Ivan Lukyanovich, his son Yura and friend Zinovy ​​Yakovlevich Epstein ^[34] ).

Escape Attempts, Labor Camp, Successful Escape from the USSR

In September 1932, the Solonevichs attempted to escape from the Soviet Union through Karelia . The enterprise was carefully prepared: a route was developed, weapons and travel certificates were prepared, indicating that Solonevich was busy “collecting materials for preparing reports on the northern edge”. The group, which, in addition to Ivan, included Yuri and Boris Solonevichi, the wife of Boris Irina Pellinger , E. L. Przhiyalgovskaya and S. N. Nikitin, left for Karelia under the guise of hunting tourists. From Kivach station they reached the Suna River . A boat was rented from a local fisherman, on which the fugitives sailed to Lake Suojärvi and headed through the forest from Kivach Falls towards the Finnish border . But Ivan Solonevich’s calculations to reach Finland in a week did not materialize due to the sudden rains and cold weather, as well as being in the zone of magnetic anomaly . They could not navigate the compasses , got lost, Ivan became seriously ill, and they had to return. Another attempt, prepared in May 1933 , failed due to appendicitis of the son of Yuri ^[35] .

The third attempt was even more thoroughly prepared, planned for September 1933, but this time, her lover joined the patronage group Przhiyalgovskaya, sexress "Sighting" - Nikolai Babenko, because of whose reports the attempt failed. All participants in the escape - Ivan with his son Yuri, Boris with his wife Irina, a friend of Solonevich Stepan Nikitin - were arrested on a train on the way to Murmansk . The operation to detain the group involved 36 GPU employees dressed as guides and ordinary passengers. The detainees were taken to Leningrad and placed in the Pretrial Detention House on Shpalernaya Street . They were charged with organizing a counter-revolutionary community, campaigning against the Soviet regime, espionage and preparing to flee abroad. Nikitin, Ivan and Boris were sentenced to labor for 8 years, and Yuri for 3 years. They were lucky: the decree on the death penalty for attempting to escape from the country was adopted on July 7, 1934. They were sent to Karelia, to the Podporozhsky branch of the labor camp “ White Sea-Baltic Combine ” (BBK) ^[36] .

The Solonevichs were repeatedly transferred from place to place, they changed many specialties, in the end Ivan managed to take the post of sports instructor in the BBK, and Boris worked as a doctor in Svirlag . Ivan Solonevich was greatly helped by fame and connections from the sports past. Under the patronage of old acquaintances, he ended up in the Dynamo camp society, and then, after the sudden transfer to Moscow of the deputy head of the BBK, who patronized him, V. Radetsky, there was a threat of sending Ivan to the Watershed, 250 kilometers from the Finnish border. This could seriously hinder the planned escape, and Solonevich decided to submit to the authorities a plan for the "all-camp sports day ", the organization of which he allegedly was eager to take. The authorities (in the person of D.V. Uspensky ) liked the proposed plan, and Solonevich, having received wide powers, began to portray the turbulent activities for the preparation of the sports day, while simultaneously collecting and exploring the escape route. Having arranged in advance for a business trip - a two-week trip to Murmansk for himself and a five-day trip to Povenets and Pindushi for Yuri, Ivan coordinated his actions with Boris (confirmation of the escape date was received from him through a trusted person). On July 28, 1934, Ivan and Yuri left the camp with a difference of three hours, met in a conditional place, and from the vicinity of the Kivach station of the Murmansk Railway moved towards the village of Koikiri on the Suna River. The law on the death penalty for escaping from the USSR was already in force. But they were lucky: on the sixteenth day of their escape, father and son crossed into Finland . In the very first Finnish family, to whose housing they went out, they were cordially greeted and taken to a border post where Solonevichs were searched and questioned, but the attitude of the Finnish border guards was generally benevolent, not like the Soviet border guards' defectors from Finland to the USSR . His brother Boris went to the Finns two days earlier. Ivan assumed that the families of his father and brother Eugene would suffer because of their escape, and, most importantly, his literary activities. But he never found out that they were shot. ^[37] .

Emigration

Finland

In the first days of the Solonevich’s stay in Finland, they came under the suspicion of the Finnish police that they were agents of the NKVD , since the double successful escape from the USSR with the crossing of the guarded border seemed incredible. After interrogations conducted in Ilomantsi and Joensuu , Ivan and his son were transferred to Helsinki , where after being released from the quarantine regime they came under surveillance from three sides at once - from the Finnish counterintelligence side, from the Russian All-Military Union (ROVS) (the head of the ROVS in Helsinki, General S. Ts. Dobrovolsky was informed about the Solonevichs by the Finns) and on the part of the NKVD, which had its residents and agents in Finland. The deputy head of the NKVD INO A. A. Slutsky sent information about the Solonevichs to G. G. Yagoda , Y. S. Agranov , G. E. Prokofiev , M. I. Guy , and G. A. Molchanov ^[38] .

The escape of the Solonevichs caused a great resonance among the Russian emigration. The first to be contacted were the Young Russians , whose party Solonevich was skeptical of, criticizing their ambivalent position regarding the Soviet regime and the leaderism inherent in the head of the organization A. L. Kazem-Bek . I. L. Solonevich soon met T.V. Chernavina , who also, together with her young son and husband-in-law Vladimir Chernavin , escaped from the Solovetsky camp in 1932, and through it contacts were established with the Russian emigrant community in Europe. So, after Chernavina’s article about Solonevich in the newspaper P. N. Milyukov “ Latest News ”, Ivan entered into correspondence with A. I. Guchkov , who began to bother about his move to France. Ivan, Yuri and Boris (who also moved to Helsinki after a successful escape) in the winter of 1934-1935 worked as loaders in the port, Ivan wrote the book “ Russia in a concentration camp ”, in which he described his stay in the camp and his vision of the life of the Soviet state, and Boris composed analytical reports about the USSR for the ROVS, contacted with the NSNP , collaborated with the newspaper " For Homeland ". In the process of establishing relations with the ROVS, V.V. Bastamov came to Boris, who tried to find out what Solonevichi was, and sent information received from Boris to the head of the internal line, General N.V. Skoblin (who, as it turned out later, was a secret agent NKVD). The chairman of the EMRO, General E.K. Miller, was aware of the Solonevichs and hoped for cooperation with them ^[39] .

Concerned about the possible consequences of the infusion of Solonevichs into the anti-Soviet activities of emigration, the KGB began attempts to discredit the brothers. Under the leadership of BD Berman , who was well aware of the Solonevich’s escape and received all the information about them, an operation was developed to stage the leak of “secret documents”, in which the brothers were listed as NKVD agents being introduced into the ROVS, but the higher authorities did not support this initiative for threats to real agents already working in ROVS. Instead, it was decided to include the Office of the NKVD in the Leningrad Region. The information that the Solonevichi, despite the status of the prisoners, were indeed earlier (Ivan) and even at the time of the escape (Boris as an instructor), the NKVD functionaries and allegedly were Soviet agents, so their relatives were not repressed, in early January 1935 was reported to a double agent , which was known to the NKVD that he was transmitting information about his contacts with the KGB of the Finnish secret police. Soon, among the emigrants, rumors began to spread about the intelligence work of the Solonevichs on the NKVD. ^[40] .

Meanwhile, Ivan Solonevich was busy preparing "Russia in a concentration camp." On January 20, 1935, he began to print the book in parts in the newspaper "Latest News". Solonevich gradually began to gain fame and authority. He gave lectures, published articles and essays in the magazines " Journal of the Commonwealth ", " Illustrated Russia ", " Modern Notes ", the newspaper "Latest News" ^[41] . But while in Finland, the Solonevichs realized that in order to wage an active anti-Bolshevik struggle, they needed to move to Western Europe, but all attempts to obtain visas to France , Germany , England , Belgium or even Yugoslavia were unsuccessful. The NKVD actively prevented the Solonevichs from moving, using their agent network for this. So, in Germany, fake letters were sent to the consul general and the Gestapo stating that Solonevichi were Soviet agents. In the Gestapo, precautions were taken and an investigation was launched on this issue, instructions were sent to all border points by the name Solonewitsch, as a result of which all the efforts of the ROVS, including A.A. von Lampe personally , to obtain a visa did not lead to success. In September 1935, Boris’s comrade in high school, adjutant to the head of the 3rd department of the ROVS in Bulgaria, General F.F. Abramov, Claudius Foss invited the brothers to move to Sofia , promising to assist in obtaining visas. In 1936, visas were obtained, and with the support of the ROVS and the NKVD (on Lubyanka it was understood that in the case of obtaining a visa to Germany, the Solonevichs could escape from surveillance, as with the intensification of counterintelligence the conditions for undercover work there became increasingly less convenient, while in Bulgaria they will be “under the hood”), Solonevichi left for Bulgaria ^[42] .

Bulgaria

The ROVS paid for the Solonevich’s move to Bulgaria, and they arrived on May 8, 1936 . In Bulgaria, they were already awaited by Claudius Foss and General F.F. Abramov , as well as his son N.F. Abramov (as it turned out later, an agent of the NKVD ). Soon upon arrival, the Solonevichs met such influential people in the Bulgarian emigration as the head of the Russian secret police department A. A. Brauner and Protopresbyter G. I. Shavelsky , and were also taken “into development” by the NKVD resident V. T. Yakovlev ^[43] .

Ivan Solonevich (who by that time had finally broken with the “ Latest News ” ^[44] ) immediately set about organizing the publication of his newspaper. With the assistance of KV Levashov, Solonevich managed to get at his disposal the unprofitable newspaper Golos Truda, and the first issue of the newspaper, renamed Golos Rossii , was published on June 18, 1936 . The newspaper was attended by B. L. Solonevich , V. V. Shulgin , V. A. Larionov , S. L. Wojciechowski , B. A. Suvorin , I. I. Kolyshko and others. The open, uncompromising style of the newspaper soon came to simple readers, and later Solonevich developed his concept of the one for whom, in his opinion, his educational work is intended. In Solonevich’s view, the bulk of his supporters are some emigrants, whom he called " headquarters captains " who deliberately distance themselves from the political struggle, from the party squabbles and ambitions of emigrant leaders, but who are ardent Russian patriots and are ready to give all their strength to the struggle against Bolshevism in the composition of the people's imperial movement. The circulation of the newspaper soon increased from 2,000 to 10,000 copies, and the publishing house began to pay off ^[45] .

Seeing the success of the newspaper among ordinary emigrants, Solonevich began to think about some kind of organization that could unite people for action in case of return to Russia. At the end of July 1936, he offered cooperation to the head of the RNSD propaganda department, Baron A.V. Meller-Zakomelsky . Meller-Zakomelsky spoke favorably about the newspaper, agreed to distribute the newspaper across all branches of the RNDS, but refused to create an “Anti-Bolshevik coalition”, since, in his opinion, “the time has not come for such coalitions.” In response to the newspaper’s appeal to readers about solidarity in different countries, circles of like-minded people spontaneously arose. Solonevich began to develop the “idea of ​​the White Empire”, which subsequently resulted in the doctrinal work “The White Empire”. In addition, Solonevich was engaged in the publication of essays "Russia in a concentration camp", which was destined to bring world fame and financial independence to Ivan Lukyanovich ^[46] . The first edition of 2000 copies was published with the money of the NSNP , the second on the same conditions, and the third, in 3000 copies, was already at its own expense ^[47] . The book was subsequently published in more than 10 foreign languages ^[46] . Ivan and Boris Solonevichi also read a series of reports in various cities of Yugoslavia ^[48] .

Meanwhile, as Solonevich moved away from the ROVS, in the ROVS, suspicions about the Solonevichs intensified, which later grew into a real mania of suspicion. Warmed by the warnings of General S. Ts. Dobrovolsky , which he did not stop sending from Helsingfors, the figures of the “internal line” checked all the correspondence of the Solonevichs. Verification and copying, as well as analysis of information about the recipients, were done by Brauner's subordinates and personally N.F. Abramov. Suspicions were caused by all the brothers ’external contacts, Tamara Solonevich’s move to Sofia, and so on, a shaft of reports of their allegedly suspicious behavior was sent to higher authorities. It got to the point that the Solonevichs had been installed outside surveillance . The NKVD also led the Solonevich case. An attempt to carry out an operation to seize and remove any of them, initiated by Berman, was not developed, it was decided at Lubyanka that the resident V.T. Yakovlev in Sofia was successfully managing the case, and it was decided to refuse to connect the Odessa OGPU with their agents. In the NKVD INO, an action plan was developed to compromise the Solonevichs before the ROVS. In the Soviet magazines that Solonevich received, “tattoos” were made that imitated the cipher. On July 13, 1936, a supposedly random meeting was organized on Boris Solonevich’s street with an employee of the Soviet embassy, ​​who had not been acquainted with him before, in front of the "outdoor" of the ROVS. Observers photographed the meeting and sent a report to F.F. Abramov. Abramov reported this to General E.K. Miller , and he, in turn, to N.V. Skoblin . General Miller did not categorically take the information, but Foss and Browner insisted on the liquidation of the Solonevichs. The ROVS militants even attempted to kill, but was prevented by the police, without the permission of Abramov (who was afraid to take drastic measures for fear of losing the confidence of the Bulgarian authorities). Rumors and suspicions against the Solonevichs did not cease to spread among the emigration. The party of young Russians actively involved in the discrediting of the brothers, their body “ Cheerfulness ” printed materials of an accusatory nature in almost every issue. This interested the NKVD, and the residency of the commissariat in Prague was instructed to contribute to the initiative of the Young Russians in discrediting the Solonevichs. Through a certain agent “A / 1” it was ordered to connect Boris Chernavin to the work, which was done - Chernavin’s pamphlet “In Alliance with Trotsky: The Truth about Br.” Was published in the Prague Printing House of the Young Russian Party. Solonevichs " ^[49] . The Solonevichs were also mistrusted at the WFTU of Rodzaevsky. In Sofia, Plenipotentiary of the USSR F. F. Raskolnikov informed the Bulgarian leadership that indulging the provocative activities of the “Voice of Russia” could lead to a deterioration in Soviet-Bulgarian relations. Ivan and Boris Solonevichi were summoned for interrogation. Suspicions of the Solonevichs intensified among the emigrant community when, upon returning from a trip to France, Ivan, at the request of F.F. Abramov, expressed support for Skoblin and N.V. Plevitskaya , whom almost everyone openly accused of collaborating with the Bolsheviks after the abduction of General Miller ^[50] .

In early 1937, by resolution of S. M. Shpigelglas, German Klesmet began preparations for the elimination of Ivan Solonevich. In Sofia , a bomb was being prepared for about ten months. On February 3, 1938, a bomb was delivered to the house on Tsar Ivan Asen II’s Boulevard, where the Solonevich family lived and the editorial staff of the newspaper, was bombed. The bomb exploded when secretary Nikolai Mikhailov opened the parcel. The organizers of the explosion hoped that Ivan Solonevich himself would open the package, but at the same time, contrary to the usual routine, was asleep, as he lay down late, and N. Mikhailov and Tamara died from the explosion. Ivan and his son Yuri were not injured, and Boris by that time already lived in Belgium . Police failed to establish who brought the bomb. Those members of the ROVS who wanted to kill the Solonevichs earlier were also suspected. The police confiscated the entire currency of Solonevich, accumulated on a rainy day, and furnishings. Being in a state of extreme depression and fearing the threat of new attempts, Ivan Solonevich took the opportunity to get a visa to Germany (where after the explosion and the death of Tamara the suspicions of the Solonevichs were lifted) and on March 9, 1938 ^[51] left Bulgaria with his son ^[52] .

Germany

The first weeks of Ivan Solonevich spent in a sanatorium in the vicinity of the city of Obing . Having recovered from psychological trauma, he proceeded to resume publishing and editorial activities. In Sofia, Levashov and the Society of Friends of the Voice of Russia were engaged in publishing the newspaper, but soon the publishing house began to undergo insurmountable difficulties. The Bulgarian government was afraid of deteriorating relations with the USSR, and therefore the publication of the newspaper Voice of Russia was banned. Attempts were made to resume the publication called Our Newspaper (banned after the Soviet note ) and in the form of the Rodina magazine, which ceased to exist after six issues ^[53] .

Ivan Solonevich became widely known in Germany thanks to his book “ Russia in a concentration camp ”, which was published in German in May 1937 in Essen under the title “Lost: Chronicle of Unknown Suffering” ( German Die Verlorenen - Eine Chronik namenlosen Leidens ). The book became popular, including among the German intellectual elite and the leadership of the NSDAP . So, Hitler himself became interested in the book, Goebbels , Goering , Count Kaiserling and others highly appreciated it . So Goebbels wrote in his diaries:

10/14/37. With horror I read the second part of “Lost” Solonevich. Yes, in Russia, just hell. Wipe out. Let it disappear.
10/22/37. I read "The Lost" on. Awful, awful, awful! We must protect Europe from this plague ^[54] .

Solonevich delivered lectures and reports in both Russian and German ^[55] .

Arriving in Germany, Ivan Solonevich was forced to fight with rumors of his insanity. He entered into correspondence with VV Orekhov , editor of the magazine “ Sentinel ”. He initially accepted him favorably, but then, preoccupied with harsh polemic against the EMRO from Solonevich, decided to dissociate himself from him. Soon, the leaders of the ROVS and other emigrant organizations, outraged by the criticism that Solonevich subjected to all the old emigration, began a new campaign against Solonevich. Accusatory materials against him were published in the Gallipoli Herald , Tsarskiy Vestnik , The New Word , Latest News and other European publications. Levashov in Sofia suffered from the anger of indignant ROVS members - a certain “young man with a military bearing” inflicted a severe blow to his face with brass knuckles ^[56] .

Having lived for some time in Berlin , Ivan Solonevich moved to Kleinmakhnov , where Yuri and his wife Inga also settled, since the Soviet intelligence, according to the Security Service, knew the address of their apartment. However, here their life was in danger. A bomb was planted under their car, the house was ransacked and routed. I had to move out of this house to a new apartment in Berlin. While living in Berlin, Solonevich tried to maintain contacts with Russian emigrants sympathizing with him, such as General V.V. Biskupsky , Baron A.V. Meller-Zakomelsky , General A.V. Turkul , resisting attempts to cause discord in relations with associates. Such attempts did not stop, in 1939 the article “Zhidovsky hiring”, published in the newspaper “ Der Stürmer ”, as it turned out later, the closest ally of J. Streicher K. Holtz, became an unpleasant signal for Solonevich. For Solonevich, this, coupled with increased pressure on the Russian right-wing organizations from the NSDAP, was an occasion to think about moving to another state ^[57] .

On May 18, 1938, the National Russian Front (NRF) was created, designed to unite right-wing emigrant organizations. Solonevich ideologically supported the creation of the front, which included the Russian fascist union , the Russian national union of war veterans , the Russian national and social movement , circles of “Voice of Russia” friends, the Russian National Union in America and adjoined (without officially joining) separate cells of the NTSP ”, Parisian circle of V. Larionov “ White Idea ”, some Cossack organizations, the editorial board of the newspaper Vozrozhdenie and the Russian Imperial Union ^[58] . But the NRF was closed by the German government, not having time to clearly prove itself in any activity. This even more disappointed Solonevich in emigrant organizations, and he stated: “We have no really active, really monarchical organization.” In his articles, Ivan Lukyanovich mercilessly denounced emigration, not stinting epithets against Russian parties and their leaders (pro-German and anti-German), which caused outrage even among his brother Boris. The publication in 1939 by Boris in Paris of the brochure “I Can’t Be Silent” with the subtitle “Our Newspaper, Emigration, EMRO and I. L. Solonevich” served as a reason for the final break-up of the very strained relations between the brothers. August 1939 - the publication by the Young Party of a pamphlet accusing the Solonevichs of provocatement on the instructions of the NKVD. ^[59] . The only point of contact between Solonevich and most of the right-wing emigration was his loyal attitude to the head of the Russian Imperial House, Vladimir Kirillovich , whom he strongly supported as heir to the throne. In particular, Solonevich and his son participated in a reception organized by Russian emigrants in Germany in honor of Kirill Vladimirovich’s arrival in Berlin, where the works of General V.V. Biskupsky, Fabricius de Fabris and General A.A. Von Lampe gathered representatives of scattered organizations and movements ^[60] .

At the end of 1939, Ivan Solonevich was invited by the Finnish military to participate in the organization of anti-Soviet propaganda in the Soviet-Finnish war . After meeting with General Walden and Colonel Lind Solonevich, he wrote a memorandum addressed to the Prime Minister of Finland, Risto Ryti , but he was not given a reception ^[61] . This trip gave Solonevich an idea of ​​the nature of a future war in the East . During this period, he still believed in using German opportunities to overthrow Bolshevism and restore the monarchy in Russia. He made great efforts to convince the Germans that attempts to conquer Russia and destroy the Russian people were doomed to failure, and that the only way to defeat Bolshevism was the war against the Communists in collaboration with anti-Soviet forces and the Russian people, who were mostly patriotic , anti-Soviet spirit. In this case, according to Solonevich, good relations between the revived national Russia and Germany would still be possible, otherwise Germany would be defeated ^[62] .

At the same time, Solonevich began to actively work on the main work of his life - “The White Empire” (later this work, supplemented and corrected, was published under the title “ People's Monarchy ”). Separate articles that were supposed to be a book were published in Our Newspaper before it was closed in 1940, and they were distributed among Solonevich’s comrades-in-arms. The Gestapo was also interested in his theses on building an independent monarchist Russia. Several times, an employee of this department visited Solonevich for confidential conversations, the details of which were recorded in the dossier, and during a visit to Berlin by V.M. Molotov on November 10-12, 1940, Solonevich was taken into custody, according to the Gestapo, so that he would not be suspected, if something happens to Molotov ^[63] . Solonevich did not give up hope for a long time to change the vector of German policy towards Russia and the Russian people, he came into contact with the military leadership of the Reich, with the party elite (Goebbels's diary entries on June 7 and 8, 1941 testify to this) ^[64] . The last attempt to entice Solonevich to his side was made by the Germans after the occupation of Belarus . One of the officials of the Ministry for the Eastern Territories was offered a job in the occupation administration in Belarus. Solonevich refused (later it became known that the post proposed to him was taken by Fabian Akinchits ) ^[65] . He, in turn, sent a memorandum to Hitler in which he outlined his position on German politics and stated that the war against Russia and the Russian people would end in the defeat and death of Germany ^[66] .

In October 1941, Ivan Solonevich was called to the Gestapo , where he was ordered to leave Berlin within three days and settle in Pomerania . In addition, he was forbidden to engage in political activities, including journalism ^[66] . Solonevich preferred Tempelburg for his exile, and soon moved to his suburb, the village of Alt Draheim , where he regularly reported to the police department. There he met Ruth Bettner, a young widow of the German lieutenant , from whom he took German lessons, and then they got married. Several times Solonevich traveled to Berlin, in particular in order to warn his son about the danger hanging over Berlin after Hitler declared the US war. During the raids in Berlin, Solonevich had a chance to talk with A. A. Vlasov , G. N. Zhilenkov and F. I. Trukhin , who made a repulsive impression on him and could not convince him to join the work of the ROA . Despite the fact that the German leadership left hopes for cooperation with Solonevich, his works continued to be used as anti-Soviet propaganda, without his knowledge, the editions of “Russia in a concentration camp” and “Pamir” were distributed in the occupied territory, fragments of articles were published in German newspapers ^[67] .

In mid-January 1944, Solonevich with his son's family fled from their places of exile under the threat of Soviet captivity. The first long stop after almost two months of travel was made at the Nyendorf estate near the city of Ratzeburg , where a friend of Yuri Solonevich worked as an agronomist. There they received news of the surrender of Germany , but were soon forced to leave the estate, as Smersh employees became interested in Solonevich (the estate was on the border of the English and Soviet occupation zones). They settled in Vincennes near Hamburg , where Inga and Ruth were placed in the hospital, and Ivan and Yuri worked as day laborers on the surrounding farms. In the end, according to the registration lists of “ displaced persons ”, Solonevichi was assigned to the camp in Haldenau , but they managed to get permission to settle in the Appelbek estate of the Hollenstedt district of the Rothenburg district ^[68] .

In the fall of 1946, Solonevich met with P.V. Skarzhinsky , chairman of the Supreme Monarchical Council (Navy). They agreed to publish Solonevich’s book at the expense of the Navy, but this project remained unfulfilled. Solonevich came in contact with the NTS , in which he had many like-minded people, but he was repelled by the desire of the NTS to suppress other emigrant organizations, including monarchical ones. Severe poverty, hunger and the constant threat of extradition to the USSR drove Solonevich to move. With great difficulty, he managed through IRO to obtain a visa to Argentina ^[69] .

Argentina

Solonevich with his son and his family arrived in Argentina on July 29, 1948 . At first, they were supported by his comrades-in - arms in Buenos Aires - they allocated a room and helped to resume publishing. Having hardly mastered in an atmosphere of Argentine emigration, Solonevich set about publishing a newspaper. The first issue of the newspaper, entitled Our Country , was published on September 18, 1948. Soon V. Levashov (hiding under the name Dubrovsky) and his wife joined the newspaper. By that time, the Solonevichs already lived on a kint in Del Viso , 40 kilometers from the capital. Dubrovsky settled there, and a few months later Ruth Solonevich joined them. Around the newspaper Solonevich, authors of a monarchist orientation soon gathered, among whom were Boris Bashilov , M. M. Spassovsky , N. Pototsky, M. V. Zyzykin , B. N. Shiryaev , N. Bylov and others ^[70] .

Solonevich was not very pleased with the situation in the Argentine emigration, but took part in public life. On September 5, 1948, he participated in an émigré meeting, at which the " Union of Russian People named after Field Marshal A. Suvorov " was established under the leadership of General B. A. Holmston-Smyslovsky ^[71] . Solonevich also participated in the creation of the “ Sovereign Served Zemstvo ” organization, officially registered under the name “League of Imperial Rus” ( Spanish Liga Imperial Rusa ). The leading role in this association was played by members of the Russian Imperial Union ; it also included the Supreme Monarchical Council . The organization’s leadership included Solonevich, who had high hopes for unification of the monarchist emigration under the auspices of the Zemstvo, N. I. Sakhnovsky , Colonel I. V. Fedotiev and others. However, the history of "Zemstvo" turned out to be short, and on February 26, 1950 it was dissolved ^[72] .

At the same time, Solonevich did not weaken criticism of the ROVS and the NTS, as well as the Slavic Union and the monarchists-reactionaries. In response to this, old rumors spread around emigration about the writer’s collaboration with the Soviet special services. The matter was not limited to rumors; denunciations from a number of Solonevich’s enemies were filed with the Secret Police, among which were N. A. Cholovsky , N. I. Sakhnovsky and A. V. Stavrovsky . Researcher N. Nikandrov believes that General Holmston-Smyslovsky, who had contact with the Secret Police, could have come forward against Solonevich. But everything could be simpler: Solonevich’s books on his opposition to all types of socialism could be perceived as a criticism of peronism . In July 1950, Solonevich was ordered to leave Argentina within three days. He went to Uruguay ^[73] .

Uruguay

At first, Ivan Solonevich was in Montevideo , from where he moved to a chicken farm in the Soriano department, which belonged to V.E. Leontovich-Neyolova. Financial support was provided by the American businessman V. S. Makarov. Solonevich devoted his time to completing the People's Monarchy, working on the novel Two Forces, as well as covering reality and forecasts for the future in articles on relevant topics about Russia and its role in world politics. The last years of his life, he and his wife spent in the city of Atlantis , where they rented a house on the coast. Solonevich hoped to soon move to the United States, he had already received permission, and I. Sikorsky helped him in this, having granted a guarantee ^[74] .

But these plans were not destined to come true. Solonevich suffered from anemia and advanced stomach cancer . On April 14, 1953, he was transferred to the Italian hospital in Montevideo with funds raised by donors. An operation was performed, but the doctors were powerless. Ivan Lukyanovich died on April 24, 1953.

After the funeral, performed by his friend Protopresbyter Alexander Shabashev , Solonevich’s body was buried in the British cemetery in Montevideo ^[75] .

Rehabilitated July 20, 1989 by the military prosecutor of the Leningrad Military District ^[30] .

Solonevich was an opponent of all types of socialism - especially Germany and the USSR, and in the USSR he was outraged by the inconsistency of practice with the proclaimed democratic ideals - the Nazis at least honestly recognized their anti-humanity and their anti-democracy as a supporter of a liberal market economy and a national social autocratic monarchy (different from an absolute monarchy and, although the monarchy seemed to him limited, from the constitutional monarchies of the western type).

Solonevich ’s main work, The People ’s Monarchy, is devoted to the problem of a limited democratic social monarchy, where he clearly distinguishes between absolutism and autocracy as independence from foreigners and following their own traditions with gatherings and Zemsky cathedrals. His formation as an author took place under the influence of such monarchist ideologists as L. A. Tikhomirov , M. O. Menshikov, and V. V. Rozanov . He was convinced that the people's monarchy is the only ideal form of government suitable for Russia. At the same time, a popular monarchy in itself can be established only with the consent of the whole people.

No measures, recipes, programs and ideologies borrowed from anywhere else are not applicable to Russian statehood, Russian nationality, Russian culture ... The political organization of the Russian people on its lower levels was self-government, and the political organization of the people as a whole was Autocracy ... Tsar there is first of all a social equilibrium. If this equilibrium is violated, industrialists will create plutocracy , the military - militarism , the spiritual - clericalism , and the intelligentsia - any “ism” that will be in book mode at this historical moment.

Not supporting ethnic ("zoological") nationalism, Solonevich at the same time agreed that the Russian national idea is the defining idea of ​​Russian statehood.

The Russian Empire since the time of the "initial annals" was built on a national basis. However, unlike the nation-states of the rest of the world, the Russian national idea always outgrew the tribal framework and became a supranational idea, just as Russian statehood was always a supranational statehood - however, provided that the Russian idea of ​​statehood, nation and culture was, is and Now, the defining idea of ​​the entire national state building of Russia.

- I. L. Solonevich. People's monarchy.

In the “People’s Monarchy” Solonevich criticized the abstract idea of ​​humanity, emphasizing that there are no comprehensive historical laws, and in each era for its various societies and peoples there were its own special (“here and now”) laws. Each of the human nations independently creates its own destiny in history. Solonevich considered the creation of an empire the highest historical goal for the Russian people. He believed that the most unusual empire in history was created by the Russian people, and this was the worldwide role of the Russian people and the “universality” of the Russian idea. Following the Slavophiles and soil workers, Solonevich gave a negative assessment of the Petrine reforms , because of which Russia was further moving away from the ideal of the people's monarchy, and under the influence of the West, the elite - the nobility and then the intelligentsia - were torn off from the popular soil; and universal "Europeanization" turned into a tragedy for the simple Russian people, who had lost their natural connection with their own intellectual layer, which ultimately led to the fall of the monarchy in Russia . Solonevich considered the way out of the return of the Russian people to their origins through the restoration of the “popular”, “social” monarchy in its entirety “from the royal throne to the rural gathering ” ^[76] .

Being “one hundred percent Belarus”, Solonevich was firmly convinced of the unity of the Russian people in its three branches - Belarusian, Great Russian and Little Russian ^[77] . In this, he can be considered a successor to the traditions of " West Russianism " - the Belarusian socio-political movement, which upholds all-Russian ideals.

Unlike another leader of non- presidents , Ilyin , who considered the USSR to be a fundamentally new state formation with other goals and beliefs, Solonevich, also being a non-presenter, saw the Russian Empire in the USSR, but basically distorted with a perverted communist religion. Russia, according to Solonevich, is first of all an empire. The Orthodox faith and internal statehood, laid down in the foundation of the Russian mentality, self-awareness, even with its perversion, are the causes of Russian imperialism. “Empire is the world. Inner National Peace ” ^[78]

Solonevich studied the communist idea, product quality under socialism (chapter “On the Kazan orphan and on the quality of products” of “Russia in a concentration camp”), historical perspective and methods (several chapters of “Russia in a concentration camp” are devoted to this topic). Solonevich condemns anti-Semitism, xenophobia (he himself was a Belarusian), intolerance of the self-government of the Russian people as a whole of former Russian nationalism.

In his articles “The Great Fake of February” and “The Myth of Nicholas II,” he considers and analyzes the causes of the February events of 1917. Solonevich practically does not criticize Nicholas II , and pays more attention to analyzing the processes that took place in society, the tasks facing the Tsar, the betrayal of the ruling "layer", which put his interests above the interests of Russia, which led to the isolation of the tsar, and ultimately to the red to terror .

• Decisive battle // Evening lights: newspaper. - Kiev, October 12 (25), 1919.
• People's monarchy . - Buenos Aires: Our Country, 1973. - ISBN 0503020200-009. - Reprint reproduction: M .: Publishing house. and advertising inf. company "Phoenix" GASK SK USSR, 1991. - 512 p. - ISBN 5-7652-0009-5
• Russia in a concentration camp // Latest News , 1935-1936, No. 5050-5477
• People's monarchy. - M .: Algorithm , 2011 .-- 624 p. - ISBN 978-5-4320-0051-4 .
• The myth of Nicholas II // Our country. - March - June 1949.
• The tragedy of the Royal Family // Our country. - May 1952. - No. 122-123 .
• Tsareubitsy // Voice of Russia. - 1938 (?).
• Political theses of the Russian People's Imperial (headquarters-captain) movement . - Shanghai: The White Empire, 1941.
• Ideas - people - organization // Our country. - 1948, December 25. - No. 8 .
• Two curtains // Our country. - 1949, December 10. - No. 33 .
• Autocracy, Constitution and Marxism // Our country. - 1950. - No. 39 .
• Russia, revolution and Jewry
• Great February Fake
• The White Empire, articles 1936-1940 - M., 1997. - ISBN 5-89097-005-4
• Impotent dictatorship. socialism, its prophecies and their implementation
• Dictatorship scum
• Two forces. The struggle for nuclear domination of the world. A novel from Soviet reality. - Uruguay, since 1948.

In foreign languages

• Die Verlorenen. - 5. Auf. - Essen: Essener-Verlag, 1937. (German)
• The soviet Paradise Lost. - New York: The Paisley Press, Inc, 1938 .
• Russia in Chains. - London: Williams and Norgate Ltd, 1938 .
• Het "proletarische" paradijs Russland een concentratiekampf. - Den Haag: WP Van Stockum & Zoon N. V, 1937. (nid.)
• Rosja w obozie koncentracyjnym. - Lwow: Nakladem Sekretariatu Porozumiewawczego Polsckich Organizacyi Spolecznych we Lwowie, 1938. (Polish)
• Rosko za mrizemi. - Praha: Prapor Ruska. (Czech)
• Russija u konclogoru / Urednik dr. J. Adric. - Zagreb: Knjiznica dobrich romana, 1937. (Serbohor.)
• Ivan Soloњevich. People's Monarchy / Translation Zoran Buљīuћ. - Beograd: Center for the Study of Tradition "Ukroniya", 2014 (Serb.)

• Denis Dragunsky. Gentleman in the Gulag // New time. - 1999 (September 19). - No. 37 . - S. 30-32 .
• Nikandrov N. Ivan Solonevich: People's Monarchist / Ed. V. G. Manyagina. - M .: Algorithm, 2007 .-- 672 p. - (Lord of thoughts). - ISBN 978-5-9265-0442-9 .
• Neil Nikandrov. Ivan Solonevich returns from a foreign land ... // Latin America: journal. - 1997. - No. 2 .
• Smolin M. B. Encyclopedia of the imperial tradition of Russian thought. - M .: Imperial tradition, 2005. - S. 303—325. - 448 p. - ISBN 5-85134-078-9 .
• Smolin M. B. Monarchism as love. Strokes to the portrait of Ivan Solonevich // I. L. Solonevich. Our country. XX century. - M. , 2001.
• Soini E. G. Solonevichi and the North. - Petrozavodsk: Karelian Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2010 .-- 244 p.
• Boron. Solonevich. Youth and G.P.U. Life and struggle of Soviet youth . - Sofia: Voice of Russia, 1937 .-- 464 p.
• Voronin I.P. Citizen of the empire. Essay on the life and work of Ivan Lukyanovich Solonevich / Ed. M. B. Smolin. - M .: FIV, 2013. - 496 p. - ISBN 978-5-91862-019-9 .
• Sapozhnikov K. N. Solonevich / Ed. E. S. Pisareva. - M .: Young Guard, 2014 .-- 453 p. - (The life of wonderful people). - ISBN 978-5-235-03693-2 .
• Chistyakov K.A. Biography I.L. Solonevich. Russia in a concentration camp. - RIMIS, 2005 .-- pp. 11-12. - 536 p. - ISBN 5-9650-0031-6 .

• A site dedicated to the life and work of Ivan Lukyanovich Solonevich (neopr.) . Date of treatment January 24, 2012. Archived on February 28, 2012.
• Newspaper Our Country (Retrieved January 24, 2012)
• Smolin M. B. Russian national imperialist (neopr.) . Russian statehood . Russian Resurrection. Date of treatment January 24, 2012. Archived on February 28, 2012.
• Sergey Labanov. Solonevich Ivan Lukyanovich (1891-1953) (neopr.) . Pravaya.ru (March 7, 2007). Date of treatment January 24, 2012. Archived on February 28, 2012.
• Site about Ivan Lukyanovich Solonevich