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Our revolution (Trotsky)

“Our Revolution” is the book of Leo Trotsky , published in 1906 under the pseudonym N. Trotsky and which is a collection of articles written in 1904-1906. The most important and famous was the final article "Results and Prospects" , which caused a resonance among the revolutionaries of the early XX century; the article claimed that the Russian Empire was a backward country of the “second echelon” of capitalism , and concluded that the Russian bourgeoisie was weakly comprehensively dependent on the state and autocrat . In the book, Trotsky as a whole completed the formation of his concept of “permanent revolution” and the “law of uneven and combined development,” based on the works of A. Parvus , K. Kautsky and P. Milyukov ; according to Trotsky's ideas, it was the proletariat , which, unlike the commercial and industrial class, which could paralyze the economy of the Russian Empire, was destined to play a key role in the future revolution , which should begin on a national basis, unfold on an international basis and end on a worldwide basis. Thus, the Russian state was assigned the role of a “detonator” of the revolutionary upsurge in the West, capable of uniting Russia and Europe .

Our revolution
Our revolution
Trotsky - Our Revolution, 1906 - cover2.jpg
The title page of the 1906 edition
Genrejournalism, politics
AuthorTrotsky L. D.
Original languageRussian
Date of writing1904-1906
Date of first publication1906
Publishing houseBook publishing by N. Glagolev (1906)

Trotsky’s views, which in those years were a little to the left of V. Lenin’s political position, being significantly distorted by later critics, began to be perceived in Soviet Russia in the 1920s and 1930s as Trotsky’s main " heresy " against Leninism . The book and the final article have been translated into many languages. and repeatedly reprinted; in 1922, Trotsky's book “1905” was published in the USSR, containing fragments of “Our Revolution” .

Description and History

 
L. Trotsky in the chamber (1906)

After the arrest on December 3, 1905, in the prison cell in Kresty , the head of the St. Petersburg Council of Workers' Deputies Lev Trotsky was “greatly impressed” by the “surprisingly important” role that the workers of the Russian Empire played during the 1905 Revolution [1] [2] [3] [4] , - basically completed the formation of his concept of “permanent revolution” [5] . During his work on the theory, Trotsky’s cell, according to his cellmates, “turned into some kind of library” [6] [7] . After the trial and escape from exile, Trotsky set forth his views in a number of articles and speeches - only the “study of land rent” was lost and never saw the light of day [8] . In 1906, these works were collected in a book that received the title “Our Revolution”. The main articles included in the collection included: “Until January 9,” “Capital in Opposition,” “How the State Duma was Done, ” and “Open Letter to prof. Milyukov ”and“ Mr. P. Struve in Politics ”(previously published under the pseudonym N. Takhotsky [8] ). Of particular importance, in the sense of the final formation of the author’s concept of permanent revolution, was the final article of the book, which had the heading “Results and Prospects” [9] [10] - its title was a reference to a similarly entitled article by Parvus [11] [12] ; it was Trotsky’s final article that later became the subject of “bitter controversy” ( eng. bitter controversy ) [13] [14] .

After the book was published, the police of Tsarist Russia confiscated the print run: only a few copies of the work of the revolutionary reached the readers [15] [16] . Moreover, even in the pamphlet “Until January 9,” written before the events of Bloody Sunday , Trotsky came to the conclusion that “only the proletariat can save Russia” and predicted the beginning of an “All-Russian armed uprising” in the coming months or even weeks [17] (see Revolution of 1905 ).

Key Points and Their Criticism

The Backwardness of the Russian Empire

The authors of a four-volume biography of Trotsky, Yuri Felshtinsky and George Chernyavsky, believed that one of the most important starting points of the new concept of the revolutionary process developed by Trotsky and which became an integral part of Our Revolution was the fact that the Russian Empire was a country in the 19th and early 20th centuries “ the second echelon ”of capitalism — at the same time, it constantly strove to catch up with the more developed ( Western European ) countries [9] [18] [19] . Autocratic Russia, according to Trotsky, was not able to "make an innovative breakthrough": the author tried in the most general terms to trace the tendency to lag behind Kievan Rus to the " great reforms " and the abolition of serfdom in the middle of the XIX century; the latter was intended to facilitate the formation of the armed forces of the empire and the collection of taxes, while not creating real prospects for the liberated peasants themselves [20] . Trotsky, according to Felshtinsky and Chernyavsky, showed that the borrowing of foreign technical, economic and other achievements did not lead to intensive economic development in the Russian Empire: in other words, the desire to “catch up” with the tradition did not lead to a real achievement of the Western standard of living and technical development [9] . But the lag of the Russian Empire itself was not total — which distinguished it from traditional Asian societies like India and China at the beginning of the 20th century, which did not have a common border with Europe [21] .

 
Council of Workers' Deputies of St. Petersburg in 1905: L. Trotsky in the Center

The “catching up trend” - being the result of “imposing from above” (from the sovereign rulers), and not from below (at the initiative of public organizations that in those years sought primarily economic and managerial independence) –– was not able to lead to the creation of such a “fundamental the Institute of Confrontation with the Middle Ages ”, which were European cities, which were distinguished by an increasingly intense independent economic and political life [9] . While the cities of Russia were only administrative, military and tax centers [22] [23] - fortresses [24] .

 When in the second half of the 19th century the extensive development of the capitalist industry began in our country, it did not catch the craft of the city, but mainly rural handicraft [24] . 

Trotsky, according to Felshtinsky and Chernyavsky, drew attention to the fact that the Russian Empire and its predecessors, in accordance with Marxist ideas [25] , developed as a superstructure on a slowly evolving primitive society : the state improved and strengthened, subject to the instinct of self-preservation [26] and turning into an increasingly independent (relative to society) and powerful structure. According to Trotsky, this happened under external pressure: primarily in the form of the Tatar-Mongolian , Polish-Lithuanian and Swedish invasions . Surviving the state under such pressure required "the greatest exertion of forces," therefore, it absorbed a disproportionate share of the material goods and resources produced by society, and also actively borrowed money in the West [27] [28] . The state also simultaneously needed a powerful apparatus of violence and control - a rigid hierarchical (military) structure [9] , which, according to Trotsky’s calculations, absorbed more than half of the empire’s state budget and bureaucratized the country's life. The main financial burden fell on the peasants, whose economic life, already complicated by the “harsh climate and vast expanses” [24] , was thus completely undermined [29] .

 The [Russian] state was not formed under the influence of impulses emanating from Russian society itself, but under the hostile pressure of strong European powers [30] . 
 
Ufa in 1910

Unlike the West, in the Russian Empire, the state itself, in the understanding of Trotsky, gave rise to the estates (this idea was previously expressed by Milyukov [24] [23] ) and laid the foundation for modern industry - primarily military [26] . From this, Trotsky concluded that the Russian bourgeois class , which led an almost parasitic existence, is objectively weak and entirely dependent on autocratic power: it is unable to become an independent social entity - the carrier of an economic and political alternative to autocracy (as happened in Western Europe ) [31] [32] . In other words, the commercial and industrial estate in the empire was doomed to comprehensive dependence on the state, that is, ultimately on the autocrat . From this followed Trotsky’s conclusion that under Russian conditions a purely bourgeois revolution capable of overthrowing tsarism and “cleansing the country of semi-feudal survivals” [30] was impossible [9] [33] . According to the analysis of the future People’s Commissar , Russian Tsarism was an intermediate form between European absolutism and Asian despotism [34] . It was these features of both Russian history and the class structure of Russian society at the beginning of the 20th century that meant that the proletariat of the Russian Empire, concentrated on large advanced enterprises [35] implanted by foreign entrepreneurs [36] , was destined, according to Trotsky, to play a key role in the revolution [37] , inevitable due to internal conflicts of an artificial system in which the middle class was absent [38] .

 Even Russian thought and science seem to be a product of the state [24] . 
 
Kamensky pig-iron smelter in 1909

At the same time, the visible power of the empire - consisting of a set of attributes typical of the Western Great Powers , and allowing the Russian tsars to regularly intervene militarily in European politics - was only an illusion of security from both external and internal threats [28] . The small number of the Russian proletariat was not, according to Trotsky, a significant obstacle to the revolutionary seizure of power by the workers : in particular because it was the workers who ensured the functioning of the country's railway network , without which its economy as a whole could not function [39] (“a thousand striking railway workers politically more effective than a million peasants scattered throughout the country ” [40] ). In other words, it was even easier for the Russian proletarians to come to power than their Western European counterparts [41] [42] ; The "embryo" of such a workers' government was the St. Petersburg Council itself, which was headed by Trotsky [1] .

 
Bloody Sunday (1905)

In the book, the future drug trade war also touched upon the military aspects of the impending revolution: already in 1906, Trotsky opposed guerrilla warfare tactics, being a supporter of the mass arming of the population (especially workers sharing the ideas of socialism ) and the building of a regular army capable of defeating the bourgeois enemy in open battle [43 ] (see Tsaritsyno conflict ):

 To arm the revolution means, first of all, in our country to arm the workers. 

Professor David Davis, in his review of the English translation of 1905, wrote about four of Trotsky’s “clear elaboration ideas” that stemmed from his 1905 experience and which together created the revolutionary his “distinctive position” ( Engl. distinctive position ) in the history of Russian revolutionary thought. To these ideas of the future Commissar, Davis attributed: a penetrating understanding of the features of Russia as a state and the fact that the revolution in the Russian Empire will not go in accordance with Western precedents ; the recognition that the course of history is determined not so much by the rational calculation of people as by their readiness for action; awareness of the importance of military power in the revolution and the decisive role of the army in summing up the final outcome of the struggle for power; understanding of the significance of the Council of Workers' Deputies as a revolutionary institution [44] . At the same time, the drawback of Trotsky’s key thesis about the possibility of a permanent revolution was ultimately the author’s unwillingness to answer questions that bothered other participants in the events of 1905: the connection between the Social Democratic Party and the Soviets, the relationship between the proletariat and the peasantry, and the connection between the Russian revolution and the European the proletariat, as well as between the instinct of the masses and the realistic wisdom of individuals; all these points turned out to be “not so smooth,” as Trotsky assumed at that time [45] .

 
“Mr. Peter Struve in Politics” (1906)

Law of Uneven and Combined Development

Felshtinsky and Chernyavsky noted that much later - in the late 1920s and early 1930s - Trotsky more clearly formulated those general provisions that underlie his reasoning about the premises of a permanent revolution; he called them “the law of uneven and combined development” [46] [47] [48] [10] [49] . In fact, the provisions of the law at that time were already contained in Trotsky's publications , which were published at the beginning of the century in the framework of the book “Our Revolution” [9] [50] - the historian Georg Lichtheim also agreed with this statement, who noted that more mature formulations from the book “ Permanent Revolution ” and “ Stalin ” essentially do not disagree with the original thesis [51] [52] [53] [54] , but only are its protection against subsequent criticism [55] .

The law of uneven and combined development, in Trotsky's formulation, denied the existence of a mandatory direct link between the development of productive forces (see Marxist political economy ) and the political role of the proletariat in a particular country, at one stage or another of its development [56] : in particular, despite the tenfold superiority of the United States over the Russian Empire in terms of industrial production at the beginning of the 20th century, the political role of the Russian proletariat was, in Trotsky's opinion, incomparably higher than that of the American [57] [58] .

According to professors Howard and King, Trotsky’s ideas from “Our Revolution” - “the most radical of the works of Russian revolutionary socialism” [59] - denied the idea expressed earlier by Karl Marx and developed in the writings of George Plekhanov and Vladimir Lenin - “a country more industrially developed, shows a less developed country only a picture of its own future ”- and, thus, the revolutionary ideas of the future Commissar changed the idea of ​​the very path of Westernization of Russia. Trotsky formulated the principles of political economy , thanks to which, deeper than any other theorist, he came closer to understanding both the structure and the contradictions of the tsarist modernization of the Russian Empire - and, consequently, the nature of the Russian revolutionary process. Trotsky, according to Howard and King, argued that, as in the past Russia did not follow the traces of the developed West, its future path was different [60] : in particular, the democratic way of building socialism on the territory of the empire was excluded by the revolutionary [61] .

Russia and Europe

An integral part of Trotsky's reasoning was the conclusion of both the necessity and the inevitability of a global revolution [9] . The section "Europe and the Revolution" was final in the article "Results and Prospects" and, according to Felshtinsky and Chernyavsky, was considered by the author as the most significant. It stated that the Russian proletariat - even if it had succeeded in coming to power due to the temporary conjuncture of the bourgeois revolution - would inevitably face hostility from the world reaction , which was interested, among other things, in paying off royal debts [35] [62] , and in the safety of their capital [63] ; at the same time, after the start of the revolution, Russian workers could count on the support of the world proletariat. Trotsky assumed that if proletarian power in Russia turned out to be “left to its own devices”, then, as in any other backward country, it would inevitably be destroyed by counter-revolution . Таким образом, пролетариату «ничего другого не останется, как связать судьбу своего политического господства и, следовательно, судьбу всей российской революции с судьбой социалистической революции в Европе [64] » [65] [66] . Троцкий полагал, что западноевропейские рабочие примут сторону российских товарищей при попытке международной буржуазии сокрушить русскую революцию [35] [67] ; он считал пролетариат европейских стран более надёжным союзником, чем российская буржуазия или крестьянство империи [68] ; аграрная проблема империи способствовала подготовке революции, однако после осуществления революционных преобразований становилась препятствием [69] .

 
Революционный плакат «Путь к октябрю…»

Фельштинский и Чернявский отмечали, что создатель концепции не вдавался в детали, полагая, что конкретные пути превращения российской революции в международную — точно так же, как и конкретные сроки, — предсказать невозможно. Читателям лишь давалось понять, что перманентная революция — вопрос не столетий, а сравнительно близкой перспективы. Для того чтобы «оградить себя от упреков в маниловщине », Троцкий многократно подчёркивал условность приведённых им схем: их зависимость от конкретных исторических событий [70] [71] [72] . Сущность же концепции перманентной революции, по мнению Фельштинского и Чернявского, состояла в том, что социалистическая революция начнётся на национальной почве, «развернётся» на интернациональной и завершится на общемировой [73] [74] [75] [35] . Последствия же революции только в России, без распространения на развитые страны, были предсказаны Троцким как «уничтожение» или « эрозия », по причине примитивности экономики, культуры и социума [76] [67] [77] . Профессор Николай Васецкий в 1990 году сформулировал данный принцип как «либо всё, либо ничего» [78] [79] .

 Восточная революция заражает западный пролетариат революционным идеализмом и рождает в нём желание заговорить с врагом «по-русски» [80] 

Израильский историк Шмуэль Галай, анализируя проблемы, с которыми столкнулась марксистская теория в начале XX века, отмечал, что Троцкий (в отличие от Владимира Ленина ) сумел дать более теоретический ответ на события 1905 года: в противоречии с марксистской мыслью своего времени глава Санкт-Петербургского совета пришёл к выводу, что революционный потенциал пролетариата определяется не его бедностью или численностью, а способностью «парализовать капиталистическую экономику». Из данного положения Троцкий, собственно, и делал вывод о возможности социалистической революции в отсталых государствах с малочисленным рабочим классом [81] .

 
Плакат «Смерть мировому империализму» (1919)

Профессор русской истории и директор Института Восточноевропейских исследований Университета Амстердама Бруно Наарден отмечал, что Троцкий говорил о перманентной революции как о явлении, способном объединить Россию и Европу. В начале XX века данный тезис не был нов, поскольку восходил своими корнями к подобной идее, высказанной ещё Карлом Марксом и Фридрихом Энгельсом , с которой к тому моменту уже «забавлялись» ( англ. toyed ) западноевропейские социалисты [82] . Российский экономист, доктор экономических наук Егор Гайдар считал, что в книге Троцкого была наиболее ярко выражена линия, получившая широкое распространение в российском обществе тех лет и заключавшаяся в возможности для русской революции стать «детонатором» для революционного подъёма на Западе: после чего «социалистическая Европа», в свою очередь, поможет построить социализм и на территории Российской империи (в рамках единых «Соединённых Штатов Европы» [83] ). По версии Гайдара, данная цепочка рассуждений позволяла «затолкать» российский социально-экономический кризис в «узкую логику действий радикальной партии » — давала возможность совместить « светскую религию и политическую практику» [84] [85] [41] .

 Нельзя сомневаться и в том, что социалистическая революция на Западе позволит нам непосредственно и прямо превратить временное господство рабочего класса в социалистическую диктатуру [86] . 

Профессор обращал внимание на то, что в «Нашей революции» Троцкий наделяет некоторые части света «эксклюзивной исторической миссией»: прогрессивная Европа для Троцкого является синонимом цивилизации, в то время как весь остальной мир представляет собой разные степени варварства. Иначе говоря, зависимость России от западного развития — как в прошлом и настоящем, так и в будущем — виделась Троцкому «непреодолимой» ( англ. adamant ) [87] . По мнению профессора Ричарда Стайтса , «высокоинтеллектуальное партнёрство» Троцкого с Парвусом породило теорию, которая российскими рабочими того времени воспринималась, скорее всего, наподобие карго-культа, which already in those years was fixed among the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean: some external force will come from abroad to “give” the land and other benefits of civilization [88] .

 
Brochure "Until the ninth of January" (1905)

Original look

Professor Orest Martyshin , speaking of the article “Results and Prospects” as the first source in which Trotsky clearly set out his ideas about the permanent revolution, noted that the author “willingly” supported Alexander Parvus ’s judgment [89] that if social democracy If he leads the future Russian revolution, it would be reasonable if it forms a new government: as a result, according to Trotsky, the bourgeois revolution will almost immediately turn into a socialist one. Martyshin argued that it was this idea that became known as the theory of permanent revolution and that this concept was an attempt to “force events”, thus avoiding two revolutions, separated in time, with the stage of capitalism between them [90] ; in other words, a bourgeois republic was impossible on the territory of backward Russia [69] . Professor Jan Thatcher, discussing in his biography of Trotsky his work “Our Revolution” and “1905”, argued that, despite the fact that a number of elements of the revolutionary concept were already known by 1906 from the works of Parvus, Kautsky , Milyukov [91] , as well as a number of socialist revolutionaries [92] [93] (including Mikhail Gotz [94] [95] ), their synthesis was original [96] [97] [98] . In other words, using the same prerequisites as Parvus, Trotsky was able to create a theory of permanent revolution, different from the concepts of other authors of the early XX century [99] [100] [101] . Professor Perry Anderson considered “Results and Prospects” (Results and Prospects) as the first strategic political analysis of a scientific nature in the history of Marxism [102] .

Trotsky’s biographer Isaac Deutscher , who believed that the events in Russia in 1917 confirmed the forecasts of Trotsky [103] [104] , in his trilogy on the life of a revolutionary , spoke of the article “Results and Prospects” as a work in which the author gave “complete, an almost mathematically concise statement of the theory of “permanent revolution” ”(“ reached the peak of its development ” [105] ): Trotsky analyzed recent key events in the perspective of the“ eternal currents ”of Russian history and determined the place of the Russian revolution in the world. Deutscher also believed that Trotsky unambiguously contrasted his vision of the future revolution with the generally accepted views of the Marxists of his time, who believed that the "old capitalist countries" had already prepared the ground for revolution, and who expected the "victory of socialism" first in the West (while in the countries of the East only the bourgeoisie will come to power): the work of Trotsky to reframe or even radically revised the prospects of the socialist revolution as such - which has not been done since the days of " the Communist m nifesta "in 1847 [106] . Moreover, only Trotsky’s “aversion” to text analysis, according to Deutscher, prevented the revolutionary from “clogging up” his book with “useful” quotes from the writings of the founders of Marxism [40] . Deutscher also added that “Trotsky could not imagine for a minute that the Russian revolution would survive for decades in isolation ” [71] : the revolutionary “did not occur” that the proletarian party would be able to rule a vast country for a long time against the will of the peasant majority [ 107] .

 
The first page from the manuscript of K. Marx and F. Engels, “German Ideology”. Preface (Written by Marx) [108]

Professor of the University of California at Los Angeles and former President of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences drew attention to the fact that, asserting in the book about the need for a global revolution, Trotsky essentially reformulated the thesis of Marx and Engels from their work “ German Ideology ” written as early as 1847, but published only in 1932 in the USSR . The idea of ​​the founders of Marxism was that in the absence of a highly developed society, the revolution will “only spread poverty and the struggle for the most necessary will start again” ( English only poverty would be distributed and the struggle for the necessities would start again ) [76] [ 109] .

 
Trotsky never denied that the material conditions in Russia were not sufficiently developed to allow the [socialist] revolution to take place. But he argued that this did not undermine the very possibility of starting it [110] .
Original text (English) :
Trotsky never denied that the material conditions in Russia were insufficiently mature to allow the consummation of such a revolution. But he did argue that this did not undermine the ability to begin it.
 
A. L. Parvus circa 1906

Impact

After the publication of Our Revolution, Trotsky “gained fame” in the circles of socialist theorists and practitioners, but most of them, according to Felshtinsky and Chernyavsky, reacted sharply to the concept or, at least, with suspicion [73] . At the same time, the conclusion about the possibility of avoiding the long capitalist stage significantly differed from Trotsky's position from the opinion of Parvus [111] . Trotsky’s views were also a little to the left of Lenin’s political position in those years - in particular, on the question of the role of the peasantry in the future revolution [112] [113] [114] [115] , to which Trotsky assigned the role of a “younger partner” under the dictatorship of the proletariat [116 ] [117] [118] [119] ; later Joseph Stalin “exaggerated” ( English magnified out of all proportion ) [120] or “falsified” [121] this discrepancy, making the permanent revolution the main “ heresy ” of Trotsky against Leninism [122] [123] [124] [125 ] [126] [127] [128] (see. Intraparty struggle in the CPSU (B.) In the 1920s ).

Moreover, in 1905, Rosa Luxemburg , Kautsky and Lenin referred to the “permanent revolution” in their works [129] [130] : Lenin again returned to the ideas of the permanent revolution during the First World War [131] . The Mensheviks Alexander Martynov , Julius Martov , Pavel Axelrod and Fedor Dan [132] also discussed Trotsky’s concept, although they gradually cooled down, referring to the impossibility of the seizure of power by the Russian workers themselves (“they considered the next short outline of“ Trotskyism “an empty dream” [15] [133] [134] ). In particular, back in March 1905, Martynov published in Iskra a series of articles under the general title Revolutionary Prospects [135] [136] [137] , where he defended the thesis of the existence of urban bourgeois democracy in Russia, which, in his opinion , there were “certain revolutionary potencies” [138] . Moreover, in the last decade of April 1905 [139] , at a conference in Geneva, the Menshevik faction adopted a resolution that allowed the very possibility of a socialist revolution in the Russian Empire if the Russian revolution could then be transferred to the developed countries of Western Europe [68] , and through the year in March 1906, the Mensheviks published their platform, which contained echoes of the Parvus – Trotsky theory [140] .

As a result, the book Our Revolution, in which the author foresaw the proletarian revolution in Russia [141] [142] [101] , not only became a new stage in Trotsky’s political thought, but also led to his isolation in the social democratic movement of the beginning of the 20th century [143] - he became "a stranger among his own" [15] . Moreover, historical data collected already at the end of the 20th - beginning of the 21st centuries confirmed the general fidelity of the analysis of the Trotsky economy of the Russian Empire in the last years of its existence [144] [145] [146] .

 
The Constitution of the Liberated (1906)

Editions

Trotsky's book was first legally published [16] in the book publishing house of N. M. Glagolev, editor of the newspaper Den; perhaps the publisher was Nikolai Matveyevich Glagolev (b. 1880) - editor of the journal “Herald of Aeronautics”, published at the beginning of the 20th century in St. Petersburg [147] . By the middle of the 20th century, the original publication had become a “bibliographic rarity” [14] - in particular, in 1990, Professor Nikolai Vasetsky , while preparing Trotsky’s first reprint of the USSR in the late 1920s, “failed to find” a pre-revolutionary publication [148] :

  • Trotsky N. Our revolution . - SPb. : book publishing of N. Glagolev, type. "North", 1906. - 286 p.

Some of the articles collected in the book came out in the form of separate brochures before 1906:

  • Trotsky N. Constitution of the Liberated . - SPb. : Type of. Partnership "Public benefit", RSDLP , 1906. - 19 p.
  • Trotsky N. Until the ninth of January / N. Trotsky; with foreword Parvusa ; RSDLP . - Geneva: Type. Party, RSDLP , 1905. - XIV, 64 p.
  • Trotsky N. Foreword (The role of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in Germany in 1848) // Speech before a jury / F. Lassalle . - SPb. : “The Hammer”, 1905. - 95 p.
 
“Prospects for the Russian Revolution” (Berlin, 1917)

After October 1917, the article “Results and Prospects”, which is sometimes mistakenly considered to have been published earlier than the book itself [149] , was “reliably” [14] reprinted as a separate brochure, and also, by the end of the year, was published in Russian in Berlin under the title “Prospects for the Russian Revolution” [51] . The last chapter and the last two sentences of the preceding chapter, which predicted the European socialist revolution as a result of the war, were excluded from the German publication “ out of respect ” for censorship during the First World War [150] .

  • Trotsky L. Prospects of the Russian Revolution. - Berlin: Ed. t.V. I.P. Ladyzhnikova, 1917 .-- 84 p. - (Socio-Political Library, 3).

In 1919, the article “Results and Prospects” was published in Soviet Russia as a separate publication [148] , and became widely known [151] :

  • Trotsky L. D. Results and prospects. The driving forces of the revolution. - M .: "Soviet World", 1919. - 86 p.

In the introduction to this pamphlet, Trotsky himself noted [70] that:

 With regard to the assessment of the internal forces of the revolution and its prospects, the author [in 1906] did not adhere to either of the main trends in the Russian labor movement. The point of view advocated by the author can be schematically formulated as follows. Having begun as a bourgeois in its immediate tasks, the revolution will soon unleash powerful class contradictions and lead to victory, only by transferring power to the only class capable of standing at the head of the oppressed masses, that is, the proletariat. Having risen to power, the proletariat will not only not want to, but will not be able to limit itself to a bourgeois-democratic program. He will be able to bring the revolution to the end only if the Russian revolution passes into the revolution of the European proletariat [152] . 

In 1922, Trotsky's book “1905” was published in Moscow, composed of two previously published texts by the author about the events of 1905: “Our Revolution” and the German-language book “Rußland in der Revolution” [153] , published in Dresden in 1909 [154] [36] . As a result of this, the book “1905” is sometimes dated to 1909, and the Moscow edition of 1922 is considered a reprint [155] [156] [157] [158] :

  • Trotsky L.D. 1905 . - M .: State Publishing House, 1922 .-- 427 p.
 
Trotzki, Rußland in der Revolution (1909)

Translations

In 1918, in New York , an abridged English translation was published by Moses Olgin of the entire book of Trotsky from 1906, entitled "Our Revolution" [51] :

  • Trotsky L. Our Revolution: Essays on Working-Class and International Revolution, 1904-1917 / transl. by MJ Olgin . - New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1918 .-- 220 p.

In this version, which included a number of biographies and explanations, the article “Results and Prospects” - “Prospects of a Labor Dictatorship (results and prospects)” - appeared almost entirely: proposals from the penultimate chapter and most of the last chapter omitted in the Berlin edition , became available to English-speaking readers [150] [13] [159] . In English-language sources, several options are used to translate the title of the article: “Itogi i perspektivy”, “Results and prospects”, as well as the version published in Moscow in 1921, “A review and some perspectives” [160] [161] .

In 1909, Trotsky's German-language book Rußland in der Revolution was published in Dresden , which was partly a translation of Our Revolution [51] - the text of the articles in the translation was substantially adapted by the author for non-Russian-speaking readers [162] :

  • Trotzki L. Rußland in der Revolution . - Dresden: Buch Druck und Verlag von Kaden & Comp., 1909. - 318 p.

Already in 1919, Trotsky's book was translated into Yiddish [163] ; By 1989, the “Results and Prospects” part was published in Arabic (1965), Chinese (1966, reprinted in 1984), French (1968, reprinted in 1969 and 1974), Dutch (1971), Farsi (1976), Italian (1976) ), Japanese (1961, reprinted in 1967), Serbo-Croatian (1971), Portuguese (1973), Spanish (1971), Swedish (1972) and Turkish (1976) [164] .

 
Cover of an English edition (1918)

Text

In Russian
  • Until January 9 (first article of the book)
  • Capital in opposition (second article)
  • Constitution of the “Liberated” (third article)
  • How did the State Duma (fourth article)
  • Open letter to Professor P. N. Milyukov (fifth article)
  • October strike (sixth article)
  • Mr. Peter Struve in Politics (eighth article)
  • Results and prospects (final article of the book)
In English
  • Leon Trotsky "Our Revolution" (1918 book)
  • Leon Trotsky "1905" (book "1905")
In German
  • "Russland in der Revolution"

Notes

  1. ↑ 1 2 Schurer, 1961 , p. 466.
  2. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , pp. 28-29, 176.
  3. ↑ Tyutyukin, 2002 , p. 140.
  4. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , p. 230.
  5. ↑ Felshtinsky, Chernyavsky, 2012 , p. [87] - [88].
  6. ↑ Emelyanov, 2003 , p. [132] - [133].
  7. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 158.
  8. ↑ 1 2 Deutscher, 2006 , p. 160.
  9. ↑ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Felshtinsky, Chernyavsky, 2012 , p. [88].
  10. ↑ 1 2 Daniels, 2016 .
  11. ↑ Carr, 1951 , pp. 58, 61.
  12. ↑ Parvus, 1905 .
  13. ↑ 1 2 Skilling, 1961 , p. ten.
  14. ↑ 1 2 3 Deutscher, 2006 , p. 161.
  15. ↑ 1 2 3 Deutscher, 2006 , p. 174.
  16. ↑ 1 2 Tyutyukin, Shelokhaev, 1996 , p. 73.
  17. ↑ Tyutyukin, 2002 , p. 112.
  18. ↑ Mendel, 1961 , pp. 104-117.
  19. ↑ Straus, 1998 , pp. 11-12.
  20. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , pp. 67-68.
  21. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , pp. 65-66.
  22. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , p. 78.
  23. ↑ 1 2 Neumann, 2016 , p. 75.
  24. ↑ 1 2 3 4 5 Deutscher, 2006 , p. 163.
  25. ↑ Thatcher, 1991 , p. 235.
  26. ↑ 1 2 Knei-Paz, 1978 , p. 66.
  27. ↑ Thatcher, 2005 , pp. 36-37.
  28. ↑ 1 2 Knei-Paz, 1978 , p. 72.
  29. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , p. 67.
  30. ↑ 1 2 Deutscher, 2006 , p. 162.
  31. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , pp. 68–69, 82.
  32. ↑ Brahm, 1963 , s. 537.
  33. ↑ Treadgold, 1973 , p. 233.
  34. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , p. 70.
  35. ↑ 1 2 3 4 Thatcher, 2005 , p. 37.
  36. ↑ 1 2 Löwy, 2010 , p. 51.
  37. ↑ Thatcher, 2005 , p. 36.
  38. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , pp. 70, 83.
  39. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , pp. 85-86.
  40. ↑ 1 2 Deutscher, 2006 , p. 168.
  41. ↑ 1 2 Berend, 2016 , p. 130.
  42. ↑ Wistrich, 1982 , pp. 51, 58.
  43. ↑ Nelson, 1988 , pp. 49-51.
  44. ↑ Davies, 1973 , p. 817.
  45. ↑ Davies, 1973 , p. 818.
  46. ↑ Thatcher, 1991 , pp. 244-245.
  47. ↑ Dunford, Liu, 2017 , pp. 3-4, 14.
  48. ↑ Glenn, 2012 , pp. 75, 79.
  49. ↑ Anderson, 1991 , p. 128.
  50. ↑ Schultz, 2014 , s. 252.
  51. ↑ 1 2 3 4 Lichtheim, 2015 , p. 333.
  52. ↑ Skilling, 1961 , p. eleven.
  53. ↑ Anweiler, 1975 , p. 279.
  54. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , p. 232.
  55. ↑ Skilling, 1961 , p. 23.
  56. ↑ Saccarelli, 2008 , pp. 99-101, 247-248.
  57. ↑ Löwy, 2010 , pp. 51-57.
  58. ↑ Brossat, 1974 , pp. 16-20.
  59. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , p. 223.
  60. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , p. 222.
  61. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , p. 224.
  62. ↑ Knei-Paz, 1978 , p. 82.
  63. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 164.
  64. ↑ Trotsky, 1906 , p. 286.
  65. ↑ Felshtinsky, Chernyavsky, 2012 , p. [88] - [89].
  66. ↑ Münster, 1973 , s. 12, 40.
  67. ↑ 1 2 Berend, 2016 , p. 131.
  68. ↑ 1 2 Kingston-Mann, 1979 , p. 439.
  69. ↑ 1 2 Howard, King, 1989 , p. 225.
  70. ↑ 1 2 Felshtinsky, Chernyavsky, 2012 , p. [89].
  71. ↑ 1 2 Deutscher, 2006 , p. 171.
  72. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , pp. 237-238.
  73. ↑ 1 2 Felshtinsky, Chernyavsky, 2012 , p. [90].
  74. ↑ Berend, 1998 , pp. 203-204.
  75. ↑ Pantsov, 2013 , pp. 12-13.
  76. ↑ 1 2 Berend, 1998 , p. 204.
  77. ↑ Wistrich, 1982 , p. 62.
  78. ↑ Vasetsky, 1990 , p. 40.
  79. ↑ Tetsch, 1973 , s. 86-87.
  80. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 170.
  81. ↑ Galai, 2002 , pp. 73-74, 265.
  82. ↑ Naarden, 2002 , pp. 198-199.
  83. ↑ Neumann, 2016 , p. 76.
  84. ↑ Gaidar, 2005 , p. 286-287.
  85. ↑ Skilling, 1961 , p. 12.
  86. ↑ Trotsky, 1906 , p. 278.
  87. ↑ Neumann, 2016 , pp. 75-77.
  88. ↑ Stites, 1988 , p. 40.
  89. ↑ Parvus, 1906 .
  90. ↑ Martyshin, 2016 , p. [703].
  91. ↑ Milyukov, 1896-1898 .
  92. ↑ Berlin 1960 , pp. xv — xviii.
  93. ↑ Rowney, 1977 , p. thirty.
  94. ↑ Perrie, 1973 , pp. 411, 413.
  95. ↑ Billington, 2011 , p. 640.
  96. ↑ Thatcher, 2005 , pp. 37-38.
  97. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , pp. 225, 229-230.
  98. ↑ Slavin, 1980 , p. 73.
  99. ↑ Larsson, 1970 , p. 286.
  100. ↑ Neumann, 2016 , p. 74.
  101. ↑ 1 2 Saccarelli, 2008 , p. 99.
  102. ↑ Anderson, 1991 , p. 22.
  103. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 169.
  104. ↑ Anderson, 1991 , p. 146, 128.
  105. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 173.
  106. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 161-162.
  107. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 172.
  108. ↑ Marx, 1955 , p. 13.
  109. ↑ Bagaturia, 1983 , p. 420-421.
  110. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , p. 227.
  111. ↑ Zeman, Charlau, 2007 , p. [251].
  112. ↑ Anweiler, 1975 , p. 87.
  113. ↑ Pantsov, 2013 , p. 13.
  114. ↑ Kingston-Mann, 1979 , pp. 449–452.
  115. ↑ Billington, 2011 , pp. 468, 598.
  116. ↑ Deutscher, 2006 , p. 166.
  117. ↑ Rowney, 1977 , p. 31.
  118. ↑ Vasetsky, 1990 , p. 439.
  119. ↑ Twiss, 2015 , p. 34.
  120. ↑ Skilling, 1961 , pp. 12, 29-30.
  121. ↑ Pantsov, 2013 , pp. 12-16.
  122. ↑ Zarodov, 1981 , p. 233.
  123. ↑ Meyer, 1957 , pp. 140-144, 266-267.
  124. ↑ Carr, 1951 , pp. 53-63.
  125. ↑ Plamenatz, 1954 , pp. 283-287.
  126. ↑ Felshtinsky, Chernyavsky, 2012 , p. [85] - [87].
  127. ↑ Deutscher, 1973 , p. 18.
  128. ↑ Day, 2013 , p. 229-234.
  129. ↑ Thatcher, 2005 , pp. 38-39.
  130. ↑ Schurer, 1961 , pp. 466-467, 471.
  131. ↑ Tyutyukin, Shelokhaev, 1996 , p. 75.
  132. ↑ Tyutyukin, 2002 , p. 227.
  133. ↑ Martov, 1905 .
  134. ↑ Tyutyukin, 2002 , p. 228.
  135. ↑ Martynov, No. 90, 1905 .
  136. ↑ Martynov, No. 93, 1905 .
  137. ↑ Martynov, No. 95, 1905 .
  138. ↑ Tyutyukin, 2002 , p. 113.
  139. ↑ Tyutyukin, 2002 , p. 116.
  140. ↑ Tyutyukin, 2002 , p. 157-158.
  141. ↑ Rowney, 1977 , p. 33.
  142. ↑ Schurer, 1961 , pp. 470-471.
  143. ↑ Thatcher, 2005 , pp. 39-40.
  144. ↑ Thatcher, 2005 , pp. 40-42.
  145. ↑ Reiman, 1994 , p. 195-201.
  146. ↑ Stepanov, 1993 , p. 160-163.
  147. ↑ Orlova, 2017 .
  148. ↑ 1 2 Vasetskiy, 1990 , p. 414.
  149. ↑ Straus, 1998 , p. 295.
  150. ↑ 1 2 Carr, 1951 , p. 58.
  151. ↑ Tyutyukin, Shelokhaev, 1996 , p. 73-74.
  152. ↑ Trotsky, 1919 , p. 4-5.
  153. ↑ Trotzki, 1909 .
  154. ↑ Scherrer, 2005 .
  155. ↑ Thatcher, 2005 , pp. 36, 102.
  156. ↑ Tyutyukin, Shelokhaev, 1996 , p. 74.
  157. ↑ Howard, King, 1989 , p. 239.
  158. ↑ Heyman, 1976 , p. 96.
  159. ↑ Sinclair, 1989 , pp. 1245-1246.
  160. ↑ Nelson, 1988 , p. 135.
  161. ↑ Trotsky, 1969 , p. 25.
  162. ↑ Trotsky, 1922 , foreword, p. 8-9.
  163. ↑ Sinclair, 1989 , p. 22.
  164. ↑ Sinclair, 1989 , p. 23.

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Источник — https://ru.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Наша_революция_(Троцкий)&oldid=100335912


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