Bade dialects

The self-names of the speakers of the dialects: bádài - gashua, m̀dá-ŋ áaɗo̍ ("people of the south") - southern, màagwàrám - western. The common name for all representatives of the bade people, regardless of dialect, clan affiliation and other differences, sounds like “bade” with variations of one or another dialect - bade , badai , etc. The dui does not apply to the representatives of the people. The duvas themselves (self-designation - ǝ̀vjì ) call all bads as ǝ̀vjǝ́ə kǝ́ma̍ “western evji”, they also distinguish separate groups: gashua are called as ǹgùzmòk , and western and southern bady are equally called as màagwár . In the Nguizim language, the speakers of which live away from the bada and are not familiar with the local ethnic situation, there are no separate names for different bada groups. The following names are used in the gashua dialect: for duvai - dùwái ( tàafǝ́ríifǝrí ), for southern bady - bádíi-k àaɗáu “bade of the south”, for western bade - màagwál (the phonetic transition * r > l is reflected in this name). In the southern dialect, the following names are used: for duvai - màasí , for gashua - màzgàrwún ( díilà ), for western badies - màagwàró . In the western dialect, the following names are used: for duvai - ( táafǝ́ríifǝrí ), for gashua - màzgwàrwà ( díilà ), southern bads are not distinguished by the western as a separate group, therefore there is no special name for them ^[14] .

Compared to other languages ​​of the bade-ngizim group, the bade language is the most common both in the number of speakers and in the geographical area it occupies, and it is also distinguished by the largest dialect fragmentation. A large number of different types of dialects of the Bade language are grouped into three large dialectal ranges. The differences between these main areas (dialects) are quite significant: each of the bade dialects differs from each other in the same way as from the closely related Nguizim language. Nevertheless, the understanding between the speakers of the Bade dialects, on the one hand, and the Ngizim speakers, on the other hand, is difficult, and the mutual understanding of the speakers of different Bad dialects is relatively free. R. Shu explains this by “passive diglossia, ” caused by geographical proximity and long interdialectic contacts between representatives of different groups of the Bad people ^[15] .

The most common in terms of the number of carriers and occupied territory is the Western Bade dialect. The range of the western dialect covers almost two thirds of the area of ​​distribution of the Bade language - it is located southwest of the range of the Gashua dialect and northwest of the range of the southern dialect. From the north and north-west, the range of the Western Sugar manga is adjacent to the range of the western bud, and from the west and south is the range of the West Chadian language of the house . The largest settlements in the range of the western dialect are Amshi, Dagon, Tagali and Madamuva. The range of the southern dialect is located southeast of the range of the western dialect and south of the range of the gashua dialect. In the south and east, the range of the southern bada borders with the area of ​​the Western Sahara language, the central Kanuri , in the northeast - with the area of ​​the closely related language Duvai . This dialect is spoken in Katamma, Katangan, Gorgoram and other villages. The northern bade or gashua dialect range is located northeast of the western dialect range, north of the southern dialect range and west of the duva language range. In the north, the gashua range is adjacent to the area of ​​distribution of the manga language. The gashua dialect is spoken in the largest settlement of the territory of the Bad language distribution - in the city of , as well as in its environs. In each dialect, groups of dialects are distinguished, the characteristics of which include a significant number of peculiar linguistic features. Transitional and mixed dialects ^{[1] [2] [6]} are placed on the border of the territories where the neighboring dialects are distributed. In fact, in the areas of the dialects of the Bade language, one or another dialectical features are inherent in every city and every village ^{[7] [8]} .

The bade language includes the following dialects and dialect groups ^{[3] [4] [5]} :

• western bade :
  • tagali;
  • guayo;
  • amshi;
• gashua (northern bade) :
  • central bade;
  • gashua;
• southern bade .

In addition to the main dialects and dialect groups, three transitional dialects are distinguished ^{[16] [17]} :

• dialect of the village of Gasamu - combines the features of the dialect of gashua and the southern dialect; a clear classification of this dialect is impossible due to incomplete data on the dialectal phenomena of Hasamu;
• dialect of Zabudum village - includes typical features of the gashua dialect along with innovations of the western and southern dialects, in general it can be attributed to the dialects of the central sub-dialect (central bade);
• the dialect of the village of Karage is perhaps a mixed dialect with the basis of the dialectal features of gashua, strongly influenced by the dialects of the western dialect; dialect signs of the gashua dialect and the western dialect are present in the dialect of Karag in almost equal proportion; the most striking feature of the gashua dialect ( * r > l ), common in the speech of the inhabitants of Karag, speaks about the basis of this dialect.

Until the first half of the 20th century, the idioms of Shirava (Shira) , Ayyukawa and Teshena (teshenava) were widespread west of the modern range of the Bade language. In terms of linguistic characteristics, these idioms were closer to the dialects of bad than to the Ngizim language ^[9] . In different sources, these idioms (all or one or another part of them) can be considered as independent languages ​​of the subgroup Bade Ngizim ^{[18] [19]} or as dialects of the Bade language. In particular, the Shirava idiom is included among the dialects of bad in the Ethnologue directory of world languages , as the dialect of Bad Shirava is also mentioned in the Atlas of Nigerian Languages ​​by R. Blench ^{[3] [20]} . R. Shu suggests considering these idioms as dialects of one language or a group of languages, but in any case separate from the badi language ^[21] . The classification of the Shira-bade cluster, based on a study by R. Shu, was proposed in the database of world languages . The idioms of ayyukawa and teshena, forming a group called shira, are shown in it as very close to the bade language, but separate languages ​​from it ^[22] . Difficulty is found in determining the place in the considered language / dialect cluster of the Shiraw idiom, from which almost no information was left ^[21] .

The ranges of dialects of the Bade language to one degree or another coincide with the areas of resettlement of sub-ethnic groups of the Bade people, to which R. Shu applies the term clan . Three large dialectal areas correspond to three or, possibly, in the recent past, four areas of the settlement of bad clans ^[13] .

According to traditional oral devotees, the ancestral home of Bad was located east of the modern area of ​​this people in the vicinity of the village of Dadigar, located on the border of the settlement of the Duvai and Canuri peoples. As a result of migrations from the Dadigar region to the west in the new territories, separate groups (clans) of the Bad people with their own dialects formed ^[23] .

In the western part of the ethnic territory of Bad, the region of the settlement of the Magwar clan ( magwar ) is located. Tagali, the center of this clan (currently a small village), was founded in the 16th century after the migration of Maghars from more eastern territories - from the Dadigara region. In the past, the Magwar clan occupied a large territory, covering lands west of the modern area of ​​the settlement of the Bade people. Until the mid-19th century, the Magwar clan was the most powerful; all other clans of the Bade people were subordinate to it ^[24] .

The gidgid clan, which inhabits the southeastern part of the range of the Bade people, was originally located in an area located near the village of Tagali. Due to clan conflicts, the clan guide was forced to move south. In the middle of the 18th century, this clan founded the village of Gidgid on the new territory (at present, the Badian language is no longer spoken in this village). In the middle of the 19th century, the representatives of the guide guide subjugated all the other clans of the Bade people and founded the settlement of Gorgoram ( Góo kára̍m ) on the territory of the Magwar clan, where they moved their center. In 1946, the city of Gashua, located at the intersection of important trade routes, became the main city of Bad. All the clan guides moved from Gorgoram to Gashua. Until now, the guide has remained the ruling clan of the Bad people ^[25] .

According to the oral traditions of the bada, in the southern regions of the settlement of this people there was also the clan umduk mashi ( m̀dǝ̀k-máashì "people of Masha"). In ancient times, this clan moved from the Dadigara region to the southwest, where it founded the village of Katamma. According to the research of R. Shu, at present, the existence of an independent clan of Masha is not confirmed. The population of modern Katamma and its environs classifies itself as a hydguid clan. R. Shu notes that the name mashi ( màasí ) in the southern bady is used in relation to the people of duvai. According to the scientist’s assumption, if the Mashi clan existed, then in one of the historical periods it either merged with the hydride clan, or was exterminated, or moved to other areas of northeastern Nigeria ^[26] .

The villages of the Mazgwarwa clan ( mazgwarwa ) are located east of the settlement area of ​​the Magwar clan and north of the settlement area of ​​the hydguid clan. Information about Mazgvar is sketchy, probably this clan formed at a relatively late time. In the history of the Bade people, the Mazgvar clan never played a leading role ^[5] .

In all likelihood, the population of the Gashua region (the Mazgvar clan) is the most isolated and is opposed to the rest of the bada ethnic massif. Considering that the carriers of the gashua dialect do not make any special distinctions between the Magwar and Hydguid clans (as well as representatives of the Duvai people who call both the same màagwár ), and gashua as a separate group, everyone stands out, R. Shu believes that the Western and Southern dialects can be considered ethnically as a single whole or as two branches of a single group. Nevertheless, linguistically, the differences between western and southern bad are more pronounced ^[27] .

According to R. Shu, the first most significant differences in the dialects of Badai Bade occurred after the resettlement of the Magwar clan to the west and the founding of new lands in the village of Tagali. These differences are reflected in the profound differences between the modern western and southern dialects, on the one hand, and the gashua dialect, on the other. They are confirmed by both linguistic data and information from oral traditions. The lack of historical information does not allow us to determine the reason for the division of the common west-south dialect range. The earliest political processes related to the interaction of the Magwar and Hydguide clans cannot coincide in time with the discrepancy between the western and southern pradialects. According to R. Shu, dialects were divided into dialects initially along the banks of the Komadugu-Yobe River and at the confluence of the Katagum and Hadezhia Rivers. Since fishing is the main occupation of the bade people, initially, when developing the western territories, riverbanks were inhabited, where dialect differences were formed in the dialects. Later, when the dialects were already formed as a whole, territories north and south of the river were gradually developed, on which the bad became engaged in agriculture, which was of secondary importance to them in comparison with fishing. Thus, the areas of dialect groups acquired a form extended from north to south. General trends in the development of dialects of bade can be explained by the prestige of a toga or other clan of bade. Thus, the dominance in the past of the Magwar clan reflects the spread of innovation from west to east and the almost complete absence of neoplasm movement in the opposite direction ^[28] . The low prestige of the duvai language is one of the grounds on which the history of the gashua dialect is restored. According to the assumption of R. Shu, gashua had a special path of development, different from other dialects of bade. A number of linguistic features of the Gashua dialect, unknown in the rest of the Bad dietary area, including features that bring Gashua to the Duvai and Ngizim languages, give reason to say that the basis of the Gashua dialect is a substrate of the Duvai language. Probably, in the modern territory of the settlement of native Gashua native speakers of the Duvai language originally lived. Gradually, the duo switched to bad language, perceiving some elements of the new language in their own way. The process of spreading the Bade language to the east, into the range of the Duvai language, continues to the present ^[29] .

The alphabets of the dialects of gashua and western bad are given in bad-house-English dictionaries, published in 2004 under the editorship of R. Shu ^{[30] [31]} :

The writing features of bad dialects include the presence of grapheme ə, denoting the unabated vowel of the middle row of the upper lift (ɨ in the IPA ), ŋ, denoting the velar nasal consonant, p, denoting a deaf lip consonant (absent in the Hausa alphabet). To display lateral fricative consonants in a letter, the digits jl (for voiced ) and tl (for deaf ) are used in the gashua dialect and the western dialect. In addition, in the western dialect, the digit gh denotes a voiced consonant, pairing with a deaf, denoted by grapheme h ^{[32] [33]} .

The difference between the two alphabets is the use of the grapheme r̃ in the gashua alphabet, since the consonants r and r̃ are distinguished in this dialect. The first of them is realized as a retro-reflex one-shock consonant (ɽ - in IPA), the second - as a trembling consonant . In writing, the gashua dialect carriers often do not distinguish between these consonants and use only one letter r ^[34] .

Dictionaries are used to indicate long vowels and tones in dictionaries: a long vowel is highlighted with a macron (_), a short vowel is not accented with a superscript; a low tone is indicated by gravel (`), a high tone is indicated by the absence of a superscript, a downward tone is indicated by a circumflex (ˆ), an upward tone by a wrench (ˇ), and a downstep by an acute (′).In a letter, the distinction between long and short vowels, as well as tones, is not customary to indicate ^{[35] [36]} .

Phonetics

Phonetic isoglosses generally coincide with the main dialectic boundaries in the field of distribution of the Bade language. Distinctive phonetic features include ^[37] :

1. Изменение позиции гласной ə в структуре части слова типа *CəCV > əCCV, называемое Р. Шу протезой (при отсутствии подобных изменений в языке нгизим): ǝ̀bzú «оставлять» (в гашуа), но bǝ̀zú (в нгизим). Данное явление реализуется при условии, если две согласные формируют допустимое сочетание. Например, при последовательности шумного и сонорного согласных изменение позиции ə невозможно: vǝ̀lú «выходить» (в гашуа) и vǝ̀rú (в нгизим). Указанная фонетическая черта охватывает все диалекты языка баде, но с некоторыми особенностями в её реализации в диалекте гашуа, в котором изменение позиции ə встречается с одной стороны реже, но с другой может реализовываться, например, при сочетании двух взрывных согласных , что в других диалектах невозможно: ǝ̀dgà «стрела» (в гашуа), но dǝ̀gà (в остальных диалектах). Подобная перестановка гласной известна и в языке дувай, в основном в говорах, граничащих с ареалом языка баде. В восточном направлении в области распространения языка дувай частотность этого явления уменьшается. В говоре селения Гангава (в 15 километрах к востоку от города Гашуа): ǝ̀zgǝ́r «нога»; ǝ̀bdàm «дорога»; ǝ̀tkà «тело»; в говоре селения Дадигар (в 35 километрах к востоку от города Гашуа): sǝ̀gǝ́r «нога»; bǝ̀dàm «дорога», но ǝ̀tkà «тело». Вероятно, изменение позиции ə развилось в языке дувай под влиянием языка баде. Влияние последнего подтверждается наблюдениями Р. Шу, который, в частности, отмечал знание диалекта гашуа многими носителями языка дувай, живущими по соседству с областью расселения баде, и почти полное отсутствие знания языка дувай среди носителей диалекта гашуа.
2. Изменение позиции гласной ə в структуре части слова типа *CəCV > əCCV при последовательности шумного и сонорного согласных в случае если шумным является / g /. Данное изменение в разной степени характерно для всех диалектов, но для одной их части есть те или иные ограничения в реализации, для другой части — их нет. Это зависит от фонетического окружения согласной g и возможности редукции g . В западном баде указанное явление отсутствует, хотя и возможны позиции гласной ə после g перед глоттальными, а также в речи с быстрым темпом слышны данные изменения перед назальными. В южном баде позиции гласной ə после g перед глоттальными является уже не исключением, а правилом. В центральном баде изменение позиции ə после g отмечается во всех возможных случаях. В диалекте гашуа в речи разных носителей из разных селений можно услышать оба варианта — с изменением позиции и без изменения.

Изменение или сохранение позиции гласной ə после согласной g в диалектах языка баде:

диалекты				transfer
западный баде	южный баде	центральный баде	гашуа
gǝ̀máan	gǝ̀màkì	ǝ̀ŋmá	ŋ̀má ~ gǝ̀má	«бедро»
gǝ̀ráan	gǝ̀rìiɗì	ǝ̀ɣlǝ̀k	ǝ̀ɣrìiɗ ~ gǝ̀rìiɗ	«пещера»
gùɓán	ùuɓà	ùuɓà	ùuɓà ~ gùɓà	«увлажнение»

3. Различия в рефлексах согласной *r .
   • Transition * r > l in the area of ​​the gashua dialect. This feature, which is not found anywhere except the area of ​​distribution of gashua, is the most striking and recognizable feature of this dialect. In a number of words, as, for example, in the word sǝ́rǝ́n “two,” [r] is preserved. The reason for this, according to R. Shu, is not exactly established.
   • The transition * r > r̃ in the range of the Western dialect (the first of the consonants is realized as a retro-reflex one-consonant (ɽ - in IPA), the second as a trembling consonant ). Since l in gashua and r̃ in the western bud are reflections of the same consonant * r , R. Shu calls the distribution boundary of l and r̃ the isogloss, which most clearly separates these two dialects.
   • At present, the distribution of r̃ is observed in the villages of Zabudum and Karage, as well as in the villages of the gashua range, located on the border with the range of the western dialect - r̃ in these areas is formed on the place [r], which is preserved in a small number of words. In addition, r̃ also extends into the range of the southern dialect, which before that did not know the changes * r > l , r̃ . If the influence of the western bada on the gashua dialect is obvious, then the factor of bilingualism apparently acts with respect to the southern bada - the speakers of the southern bade also speak the Kanuri language , in which there is a trembling r̃ .

Reflexes * r in bad dialects:

dialects				transfer
western bade	south bade	central bade	gashua
ǝ̀r̃wán	ǝ̀rwà	ǝ̀lwà	ǝ̀lwà	"song"
ǝ̀zgǝ̀r̃ǝ́n	ǝ̀zgǝ́r	ǝ̀zgǝ́l	ǝ̀zgǝ́l	"leg"
sǝ́r̃ǝ́n	sǝ́rǝ́n	sǝ́rǝ́n ~ sǝ́r̃ǝ́n	sǝ́rǝ́n	"two"

4. Distribution of consonants [ h ] and [ ɦ ] in most dialects and dialects of bad in place of velar fricatives * x and * ɣ (although in the speech of some carriers these reflexes can sometimes be realized as velar consonants or pronounced with the sound of velar ) Only in dialects of gashua proper is there a transition * x > k and * ɣ > g : hǝrrà "new", ɦǒ "open" - in the western bad; hǝrr , ɦa̍u - in the southern bad; hǝlà , ɦa̍u - in the central dietary supplement , kǝ́là , ga̍u - in gashua. Since k and g are also marked in place of the indicated consonants in the Duvai language ( káarà “new”), R. Shu suggests that the phenomenon under consideration may be a substrate of the Duvai language in the Gashua dialect (since duvai has low prestige compared to bad, direct influence of duvai the gashua dialect is excluded).
5. Monophthongization of diphthongs * au > o , * ai > e , excluding the position of the beginning of the word, in the western dialect: m̀só “this”, nàabé “nothing” - in the western bad; m̀sáu , nàabái - in the southern bud ; m̀sáu , nàaɓái - in the central bud ; sáu , nàa bái - in gashua. At the end of the word, in the southern dialect, the glide of the diphthong is practically inaudible, which gives the impression of monophthongization of diphthongs in this position.
6. Diphthongization of monophthongs * o > au , * e > ai at the position of the end of the word in the sub-dialect of gashua: gór̃àu “ ” (borrowing from the Hausa language - góor̃àò ); jíir̃âi “truth” (borrowing from the Kanuri language - jírè ). In the Western dialect such changes are not recorded (on the contrary, opposite changes are noted), vowels, audible as monophthongs at the end of a word in the southern dialect, are most likely fuzzy articulated diphthongs.
7. Changing diphthongs to the corresponding long vowels, with the exception of the position before the pause, affecting the gashua dialect and the Ngizim language: fài “thing”> fìi-n-ǝ́m “your (feminine) thing” - in the central bad; sǝ́sàu "hut"> sǝ́sùu bái "not a hut"; kálàu "fear"> kálùu bái "not fear" - into the Ngizim. In the Western Bad dialect, this change is impossible, since there are no diphthongs in the phonological system of this dialect. In the southern bad diphthongs in the indicated position are preserved: gàrwáu "goats"> gàrwáu-mdǝ́na̍u "these goats".
8. Addition of the vowel -i of the end of the word after noisy consonants in the western and southern dialects:

dialects				transfer
western bade	south bade	gashua	blow
vàɗì	vàɗì	vàaɗ	vàaɗ	"five"
ná gàamàsí	gáamàsí	gàmás	ŋ̀mísh	“Laughter” (in the west - “I will laugh”)
( ɗàcǝ́n )	ɗácì	ʼYât	ɗyát	"hair"
( gǝ̀msǝ́n )	gǝ̀msǝ̀kì	gǝ̀msǝ̀k	ǹdǝ́-msǝ̀k	"hair"

In a reconstructed parent language, bad could end in any vowel or consonant except voiced noisy ones. In the western and southern dialects, this restriction intensified - at the end of the word only sonorous consonants are possible, so after noisy the morpheme -i is added. In the Western bud, the number of such words is small, since nouns end with the suffix -n , and verbs with a vowel. It is not clear whether this phenomenon is a common innovation for the western and southern ranges, or whether it developed independently in each of the two dialectal areas.

Morphology

Bundles of isogloss of morphological phenomena in comparison with phonetic and lexical isoglosses most accurately distinguish the boundaries of the dialects of the Bade language. Morphological innovations are divided into positive (newly formed, borrowed or old with a changed function) and negative (loss of a phenomenon without replacing it). An example of positive innovation is nunation in the Western Bad dialect; negative innovations include, for example, the loss of male and female differences in the Southern Bad dialect. R. Shu considers dialectic innovations in the field of morphology for each of the dialectal areas (both for dialects and for dialect groups) ^[12] .

Features of the Western Dialect

Innovations in the dialect of western bada ^[38] :

1. The presence of the suffix -n , going back to the certainty indicator * -ni , in nouns, the so-called nunation : ǝ̀gdǝ̀mǝ́n “crocodile”; ǝ̀rwán “song” - in the western dialect; ǝ̀gdǝ̀mǝ́n ; lùwán - in the dialect Karag. In other dialects, nunation is absent: ǝ̀gdǝ́m ; ǝ̀rwà - in the southern dialect; ǝ̀gdǝ́m ; ǝ̀lwà - in gashua.
2. The absence in the transitional verbs of the perfect form of the indicator, going back to the morpheme * -kú , which is used if the verb forms are not followed by a direct addition : ná táksà “I will connect”. In other dialects, this indicator is used: nà táksa̍-w - in the southern dialect; nà táaksa̍-w - in gashua; nàa táksa̍-w - to the Ngizim.
3. The use of the morpheme / k / (realized as [ŋ] before vowels) in place * -n- before possessive pronouns and after singular masculine nouns: m̀ɗǝ̀-ŋ-íi “your name”, but m̀ɗǝ̀kǝ́-n-ìi (in the south dialect), wùɗǝ́-n-ìi (in the gashua dialect).
4. The use of the morpheme / k / (its allomorph [ŋ] is marked before the velar ) in place of * -n- before the question word at the end of the sentence: jǎa-ŋ-kê “who came?”, But dàawá-n-è (in the south dialect), dàawá-n-âi (in the gashua dialect), dě-n-tâi (in the Nguizim language).
5. Distribution of the prefix -a in all forms of independent pronouns: áyu̍ “I”, ágìi “you”, etc., but íyù , gìi , etc. (in the southern dialect); íyu̍ , cì , etc. (in the Nguizim language). Outside the western bad range, the prefix -a is found only in 3rd person pronouns.
6. The pronunciation of the preposition “c” as ɗe- or ne- , in the other dialects of bade this preposition has the form dǝ̀- , in the language of nguizim - naa .
7. Change in the form of negation * bái > -m “not” in the Western dialect and in the dialect Karag (suffix -m , placed at the end of the sentence): nǝ́ jàajá-m “I did not come”. In other dialects, the preservation of the original form of negation of bái (or similar forms of ɓái , pái , bé ) is “not”, for example, in gashua: nǝ̀n dàa bái “I did not come”.
8. Reflection in the suffix of the verbs of the imperative mood of the indicators of gender and number: à-kf-íi "enter" (masculine gender, singular); à-kf-ǝ́m (feminine, singular); à-kfá-wùn (plural). In the southern dialect, these forms correspond to the general singular form á-kfí and the plural form à-kfá .

In addition, morphological features are noted in the western dialect in subjective pronouns, in the forms of conditional mood verbs, etc. R. Shu also cites morphological isoglosses that distinguish groups of dialects Tagali, Amsha, and Guayo as part of the western bad. Among them, the presence of high tone (or downstep ) dialects in dialects of 3rd person object pronouns in contrast to other dialects of the western bad, dialects of the southern bad and gashua, as well as the Ngizim and Duvai languages, in which low pronouns are pronounced in these dialects ( or downward) tone ( n-úktǝ́-kci̍ “I took them” - in amshi, but n-úktǝ́-kcì - in guio, yí-míy-ǝ́kshì - in dui ); the distribution in Amshi of long vowels in the forms of the 1st and 2nd person of the plural of the subjective pronouns of the subjunctive mood, in the other dialects of the western bad and the Nguizim language, long vowels are noted in this position ( wàa kàrmì “we chopped” ( inclusive ) - in amsha but gwà kàrmì in the dumbari, wà kàrmí in the southern bud ), etc. alternations in dialects of taugals of voiced and deaf consonants in object pronouns - if the first syllable of the verb has the initial voiced noisy consonant, then the pronoun of the 2nd person singular and the 3rd person prefix becomes deaf, in other dialects of the western dialect the consonant the pronouns are always sonorous, in other dialects of bad and in the duvai language they are always deaf ( tá gàfǝ́-cì “he would catch”, dà kármǝ̀-cì “he would cut” - in tagali, dá gàfì , dà kármì - in amshi, tà gàfí , tà kàlmí - in gashua); cases of loss in dialects of guayo nasal prefix in the demonstrative pronouns m̀só / m̀có “this”, m̀síi / m̀cíi “that” and others (the first form in pairs is masculine, the second is female), in other dialects of the western dialect and in gashua the initial m̀ in demonstrative pronouns are preserved ( gòomáa so̍ “this ram” - in guayo, gwàmàa msó - in amshi , gwámákǝ msa̍u - in gashua) ^[39] .

Gashua Dialect Features

Innovations in the gashua dialect (in some cases, covering not the entire dialectal range) ^[40] :

1. The presence of the prefix -a in direct and indirect object pronouns in the form of a third person: aci / atu / aksi “him” / “her” / “them” and e-ci / e-tu / e-ksi (/ ii + a /> [e]) “to him” / “to her” / “to them”. In other dialects of the bady , direct object pronouns of the -ci / -tu / -ksi type and indirect ii-ci / ii-tu / ii-ksi types are common .
2. The loss of the verb forms of the negative negation: nǝ́n ju̍ “I went”, nǝ́n jǝ̀ bái “I did not go” - in the dialects of gashua proper, nǝ́ ju̍ , nǝ́ jǝ̀ ɓái - in the dialects of bida (central bad). In the western bad and southern bad, special reduced replicated verbal forms of negation are preserved : nǝ́ ju̍ , nǝ́ jàajà ɓái - in the dialect of southern bad.
3. Changing the form of the 1st person's independent pronoun * iyu > niyu by analogy with the 1st person singular pronouns of the singular nə or na , in other dialects of bad, in the Ngizim and Duvai -n languages ​​at the beginning of the indicated pronoun form is absent: níyu̍ - in the dialect gashua, íyù - in the dialect of southern bade, íyu̍ - in the language of Nguizim , yó - in the language of Duvai.
4. Pronunciation of the subjective pronoun in the form of the 1st person singular nə as nən before the verbs beginning withCV Before the verbs on (ə) CCV, the final -n in the gashua dialect is lost, in the western and southern bad the pronoun in question has the form nə before all types of the verb: nə̂-bdú “I asked” - in gashua, nə̂-bdú - in the western bad. This phenomenon did not spread in dialects of the villages of Bida and Davayo in the area of ​​gashua, or was lost as a result of the influence of neighboring dialects of the western bada.
5. Distribution in gashua, excluding the dialects of the villages of Bida and Davayo, the phrase àzù bái "there is nothing" in the place of the reconstructed in the proto-language bade-duvai-ngizim * nàa bái (literally "with no"). In the western bud the form nàabé is noted , in the duvai language it is nàabái .

In addition, the range of the gashua dialect is crossed by morphological isoglosses, dividing the area of ​​the dialect distribution into the dialect group of gashua proper and the dialect group (sub-dialect) of the central bade. Among them, the presence in the gashua dialects of the verb zú “have” ( nǝ́n zǝ̀ dàbí “I have a hoe”), in the central bad, the other dialects of bad and in the Ngizim language, this verb is absent, it is replaced by an expression like “I'm with ...”, “He is with ...”, etc .; expression the meaning of the reference to the object in the dialects of gashua proper with the help of different suffixes from the noun ( góomák-a̍aw “this ram”, but ŋ̀káu “this”), in all other dialects and bad dialects the meaning of the indication is expressed with the help of indicative pronouns ( gwàmákí msa̍u and m̀sáu "this" - in the southern bad); the distribution of indicative pronouns like ŋ̀káu “this”, ŋ̀kîi “that”, ǹdáu “these”, etc., with singular ( ŋ̀k- ) and plural ( ǹd- ) numbers in dialects, in other dialect areas, the demonstrative pronouns have different forms, for example, in the western dietary supplement : m̀só / m̀có “this”, m̀sîi / m̀cîi “that”, m̀dó “these”, etc., the distribution in subjective pronouns in the idiom in dialects of the subdiallect is a central high- tonnage for the 1st person singular and low tone - for all other forms ( náa vǝ̀là “I will go out”, yàa vǝ̀là “you (whether masculine) come out ”), in the dialects of gashua proper and in the dialects of bad dialect the tone of the first person singular is opposite to the tone of the first syllable of the verb, in all other forms the tone is low ( náa vǝ̀rà “ I will go out ”, nà ráwà “ I I’ll run ”, yàa vǝ̀rà “ you (male person) will go out ”), in the western bud the tone of the first person singular is always high, in all other forms the tone is opposite to the tone of the first syllable of the verb ( nàa vǝ̀rà “ I will go out ”, yáa vǝ̀rà “you (the person of the masculine gender) come out”, yà ráwà “you (the person of the masculine gender) you will run ”), in the languages ​​Nguizim and Duvai, the tone of the pronoun is opposite to the tone of the first syllable of the verb in all cases ^[41] .

Southern Dialect Traits

The main morphological feature that distinguishes the southern dialect from the rest of the bade dialects is the loss of the gender category, expressed by the differences between the masculine and feminine gender in the forms of demonstrative pronouns. In most modern dialects of the Bade language, the gender of the noun is determined by the personal and demonstrative pronouns that are consistent with them. In the southern bud, the feminine indicative pronouns were lost: gwàmàkí msa̍u “this ram”, tǝ̀màkú msa̍u “this sheep”. Differences between the masculine and feminine gender are not also noted in the Ngizim and Duvai languages ^[42] . Also, two morphological phenomena that combine the southern and western dialects are common in the southern bad areal (these phenomena are also known in transitional dialects of the villages of Karage and Zabudum). This is the presence of a masculine indicator * n > / k / and the presence of a subject marker * n > / k /. The first of two phenomena is as follows: if a masculine noun is followed by a proper name, then the affiliation indicator n is most often used, but if a common noun is followed by a common noun, then the indicator k is used . This pattern is typical for dialects of the gashua dialect: ʼyàtǝ́-n Сàakwà “Chakva hair”, but ʼyàtǝ-k tǝ̀màkú “sheep’s hair”. In the southern and western buds, k preceded by proper nouns * n : ǝàcǝ-k Сàakwà and ɗàcǝ̀-k tǝ̀màkú - in the southern dialect, ɗàcǝ-k Сàakwà and ɗàcǝ̀-k tǝ̀màkún - in the western dialect The exponent k , depending on the phonetic environment, is represented by the allomorphs [k], [g], [ŋ] and [ø]. In particular, [ŋ] and [ø] appear after the velar consonants: ɗàcǝ-ŋ Kábo̍ “Cape hair”, ɗàcǝ̀ kwàmǝn “bull hair”. In the second phenomenon, the subject at the end of the sentence is highlighted by a special marker * n preceding it. This morpheme ( n ) is preserved in the gashua dialect ( dàawà-n Káaku̍ “Kaku came”), as well as in the Ngizim and Duvai languages. In the southern and western buds, the transition * n > / k / (with [ŋ] before the velar ones) was noted : dàawà-ŋ Káaku̍ “Kaku came”, dàawà-k Sáaku̍ “Saku came” - in the southern dialect, jàawà-ŋ Káaku̍ , jàawà -k Sáaku̍ - in the western dialect ^[43] .

Other features

In the area of ​​distribution of the Bade language, morphological isoglosses pass not only along the borders separating the three main dialect groups, but also away from these borders, arbitrarily crossing some of the dialectal areas. Such isoglosses include, for example, the preservation / loss of nouns in front of the demonstrative pronouns of the final -aa , which goes back to the suffix with the meaning of the indication in the parent language bad. In the western dietary supplement and in the gashua sub-dialect, the final -aa is preserved: sàas-áa mdo̍ “this meat” is in the western bud , sàas-áa-w in the gashua sub-dialect. In the southern dietary supplement and in the subdialect of the central dietary supplement, the final -aa is lost: sàasǝ́ msa̍u - in the southern dietary supplement , sàasǝ̀ msáu - in the central nutritional supplement . In the southern and central buds, this innovation appeared, most likely, independently of each other. there is also a phenomenon combining the western bade with the central one on one side and the southern bade with gashua on the other. This is the preservation of the original form of the 3rd person independent pronoun “they” as áksì (in the southern bad and gashua) and its change * áksì > ákcì (in the western and central bad) ^[44] .

Vocabulary

Of the more than two dozen isoglosses of the distribution of words with different roots in bad dialects, only a few coincide with the dialect boundaries, most of the isogloss passes randomly through the ranges of bad dialects ^[45] .

The lexical neoplasms as a whole correlated with the areas of dialects include ^[46] :

1. Innovations in the Western dialect:
   • ɗíya̍n " calabash " - in the dialects of gashua, southern bad, in the dialect Gasamu and in the Ngizim language: fǝ̀nà .
   • ɗàvá «хороший» (также отмечается распространение этого слова в южном диалекте) — в диалекте гашуа, в говоре Гасаму и в языках нгизим и дувай: bǝ̀lân .
   • kùmǝ́n «крыса» — во всех говорах и диалектах баде ( gwàadǝ̀gǝ̀m ), а также в языке нгизим ( gáadàgùm ).
   • káazǝ̀ɗàkón (по говорам — kâazán ) «цыплёнок» — в диалектах гашуа, южный баде, в говоре Забудум и в говоре Гасаму ( kâzá ), а также в языке нгизим ( gâazá ).
   • ǝ̀tikǝ̀nǝ́n «нос» (и в говоре Караге, также это слово распространяется в южном диалекте) — в диалекте гашуа, говоре Гасаму ( ǝ̀stán ) и в языках дувай ( ǝ̀stán ) и нгизим ( tǝ́n ) и т. д.
2. Инновация в южном диалекте: ùgzú «сегодня» (и в говоре Гасаму) — в диалекте гашуа и в говоре Караге: ǝ̀bzǝ̀kú , в говоре Забудум: ǝ̀bzǝ̀kú ~ ùgzǝ̀kú , в диалекте западный баде: sâabú . Поскольку когнаты в языках нгизим и дувай отсутствуют, инновацией может быть форма данного слова и в западном баде.
3. Инновации в субдиалекте гашуа (в говорах собственно гашуа):
   • sámtàk «метла» — во всех остальных говорах и диалектах баде: ɗyùwá , в языке нгизим: ʼyúwâ , в языке дувай: sǝ̀mtòk .
   • làulú «звать» — в говоре Гасаму: ɗàurú , в диалекте западный баде, в говорах центральные баде, а также в говорах Караге и Забудум: kòotú , в диалекте южный баде: kòotú ~ ɗàurú , в языке нгизим: ɗàurú ~ ràurú , в языке дувай: ràuró ; форма kòotú из ареала западного баде распространилась в ареал центрального баде и теперь вытесняет форму ɗàurú в ареале южного баде.
   • jiàwú «закрыть» — во всех говорах и диалектах баде: kùɓú , в языке нгизим — cìmú , в языке дувай — bǝ̀ɗó .
4. Общие инновации в западном и южном диалектах:
   • káasò «хижина» (и в говорах Караге, Забудум и Гасаму) — в диалекте гашуа и в языке нгизим: sǝ́sàu .
   • kúuɗu̍ «черепаха» (и в говорах Забудум и Гасаму) — в диалекте гашуа и в говоре Караге, а также в языке нгизим: áyáku̍ .

К числу лексических новообразований, распространённых в отдельных говорах, относят инновации в говорах западного диалекта ^[47] :

1. ǝ̀lhú «сказать» — в говорах амши и в говоре Забудум, ɗàrú — в говорах гвайо, bàasú — в говорах тагали, zǝ̀nú — в диалектах гашуа и южный баде, а также в говорах Гасаму и Караге, zǝ̀nyùwó — в языке дувай.
2. sàkàtánón «мотыга» — в говорах тагали и в говорах северной части ареала говоров гвайо, dàbí — в говорах амши, в диалектах гашуа и южный баде, в языке нгизим, а также в говорах Гасаму, Караге и Забудум.

К числу лексических архаизмов, сохранившихся в ареалах отдельных диалектов, относят слова в субдиалекте гашуа ^[48] :

1. dǝ̀r̃ú «ждать» — в субдиалекте гашуа; m̀nú ~ kàamnú — в диалекте южный баде, а также в говорах Гасаму и Караге; kàamnú ~ kàayú — в диалекте западный баде и в субдиалекте центральный баде; dǝ̀r̃áu — в языке нгизим; dǝ̀r̃àwó — в языке дувай. Инновацией, по-видимому, является форма kàayú , поскольку в других диалектных ареалах она не встречается и вытесняет другие формы со схожим значением, например, в центральном баде.
2. kàtáu «возвращаться» — в субдиалекте гашуа; ùgzú — во всех остальных говорах и диалектах баде; kàtáu — в языке нгизим.
3. fíidà «заяц» — в субдиалекте гашуа; ágùré ~ âuré — во всех остальных говорах и диалектах баде; víidà — в языке нгизим; vìidà — в языке дувай.
4. áwùk «кость» — в субдиалекте гашуа; síilàk — во всех остальных говорах и диалектах баде; áwùk — в языке нгизим; wùk — в языке дувай и т. д.

К числу лексических новообразований, проходящих произвольно по ареалам диалектов баде, относят большое число слов, но зачастую их значение в определении диалектных границ несущественно. В числе таких слов, отмечаются, например, такие слова, как ^[50] :

1. ǝ̀ktlà / tlà «корова». Инновативной формой является форма с начальным k — она занимает весь ареал западного диалекта, а также охватывает южные районы южного диалекта и западные районы центрального субдиалекта, на всей остальной территории распространения языка баде, а также в языке нгизим, отмечается форма tlà .
2. tǝ̀r̃zǝ́nà / tǝ́ntǝ́mé / míimí «рассказ». Форма tǝ̀r̃zǝ́nà распространена в ареале диалекта гашуа и на части территориq западного и южного диалектов, эта форма, по-видимому, является архаичной, поскольку в языке нгизим в значении «рассказ» отмечается форма zǝ́nzǝ̀n ( zǝ́nú «сказать»). Ареал формы míimí охватывает центральные и северо-западные области распространения западного диалекта. Форма tǝ́ntǝ́mé характерна для южного диалекта (исключая окрестности селений Гокарам и Агана) и южной части ареала западного диалекта.
3. áwùk / wùk / ánkù «пестик». Форма áwùk , распространена главным образом в ареале диалекта гашуа, она омонимична форме со значением «кость». Такая же омонимия отмечается в языке нгизим. Изначально эти слова различались, поскольку в языке дувай они имеют разные формы: wùk «кость» и àkúɗ «пестик». Вероятнее всего, звучание слов «кость» и «пестик» совпало во всём ареале языков баде и нгизим, так как в западном и южном диалектах отмечается форма síilàk , заимствованная из канури ( shílà ). Причиной её заимствования, скорее всего, была необходимость устранить омонимию. Распространение форм wùk и ánkù произошло уже после перечисленных изменений. Во некоторых ареалах языка баде, кроме ареала западного диалекта, слово ánkù имеет значение «река».

Впервые диалектное членение языка баде было предложено американским исследователем Р. Шу в начале 1970-х годов. Контуры трёх основных диалектов, по словам Р. Шу, просматривались уже в процессе сбора научного материала в 1970 и 1973 годах, те же данные складывались при анализе клановой структуры баде, географии расселения этого народа, а также по сведениям из легенд и преданий. В результате дальнейших исследований, в ходе которых Р. Шу были изданы статьи Nunation and gender in Bade // Afrika und Ubersee 58, 1975; Bóde, Ngo: djin and Dó:ai in Polyglotta Africana // African languages / Langues Africaines 1, 1975; Bade/Ngizim determiner system // Afroasiatic Linguistics 4, 3, 1977, предположения о наличии в области распространения языка баде западного, северного (гашуа) и южного диалектов подтвердились ^[5] .

Позднее, в 1981 году, Р. Шу издал работу Using dialect geography to determine prehistory: A chadic case study // Spracheund Geschichte in Afrika , в которой были отражены данные предыдущих работ по языку баде, а также данные полевых исследований языков баде и дувай в 1973—1975 годах. Это была расширенная и дополненная версия статьи, которую Р. Шу представил в 1979 году.

Диалектологические исследования Р. Шу проводил методом анкетирования. По составленному им вопроснику, который включил 14 групп (секций) вопросов по фонетическим, грамматическим и лексическим явлениям, он анкетировал 48 человек — носителей языка баде из 32 различных населённых пунктов, представляющих все регионы области расселения народа баде. На основании полученных данных Р. Шу выделил фонетические, морфологические и лексические изоглоссы (в его терминологии изофоны — для фонетических изоглосс, изограммы — для морфологических, изоглоссы — для лексических). В число изофон были включены языковые явления регулярных звуковых изменений, например, *r > l. К изограммам отнесены явления, относящиеся главным образом к инновациям: явления, связанные с изменениями в употреблении морфем, явления, затрагивающие морфосинтаксические элементы и другие явления. К изоглоссам отнесены распространение неродственных слов типа ɗava — bəlan «хороший»; распространение родственных слов с наличием или отсутствием дополнительных морфем типа kazaɗakon — kaza «цыплёнок»; распространение родственных слов с несистематическими звуковыми изменениями типа laulu — ɗauru «звать», «называть» (с различными континуантами начальной *ɗ). Различий в области синтаксиса обнаружено не было ^[51] .

По совпадавшим друг с другом изоглоссам, образующим так называемые пучки, были выделены границы ареалов трёх главных диалектов и границы групп говоров (субдиалектов) внутри двух основных ареалов.

В 2000-х годах были составлены словари двух диалектов — западного и гашуа.

Comments

Sources

• Schuh RG Notes to Bade dialect map // Africana marburgensia. — Marburg, 1972. — № 5 . — P. 50—56.
• Schuh RG Nunation and gender in Bade // Afrika und Übersee. — Berlin: , 1975. — № 58 . — P. 106—119.
• Schuh RG Bóde, Dgo:djin and Dó:ai in Polyglotta Africana // African languages / Langues Africaines. — London: , 1975. — № 1 . — P. 290—299. Архивировано 28 мая 2017 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Schuh RG Bade/Ngizim determiner system // Afroasiatic Linguistics / . — Malibu, 1977. — Т. 4 , вып. 3 . — P. 1—74. Архивировано 28 мая 2017 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Schuh RG Bade/Ngizim vowels and syllable structure // Studies in African Linguistics. — Portland, 1978. — Т. 9 , № 3 . — P. 247—283. Архивировано 28 мая 2017 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Schuh RG Questioned and focussed subjects and objects in Bade/Ngizim // The Chad Languages in the Hamitosemitic/Nigritic Border Area. Proceedings of the Marburg Symposium, October 1—5, 1979 / (ed.). — Berlin: , 1979. — P. 160—174.
• Schuh RG Using dialect geography to determine prehistory: A chadic case study // Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika. — Hamburg: , 1981. — № 3 . — P. 201—250. Архивировано 28 ноября 2016 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Schuh RG Shira, Teshena, Auyo: Hausa's (former) eastern neighbors // Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika (Historical Language Contact in Africa) / D. Nurse (ed.). — Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag, 2001. — № 16/17 . — P. 387—435. Архивировано 28 мая 2017 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Schuh RG The Linguistic Influence of Kanuri on Bade and Ngizim // Maiduguri Journal of Linguistic and Literary Studies (MAJOLLS). — Maiduguri, 2003. — P. 55—89. Архивировано 28 мая 2017 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Tarbutu MM Bade-English-Hausa Dictionary (Gashua Dialect) / Edited by Schuh R. G . — Potiskum: Yobe Languages Research Project, 2004. — 78 p. Архивировано 27 ноября 2016 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Dagona BW Bade-English-Hausa Dictionary (Western Dialect) / Edited by Schuh R. G . - 2nd edition. — Potiskum: Yobe Languages Research Project, 2004. — 107 p. Архивировано 27 ноября 2016 года. (Проверено 28 мая 2017)
• Schuh RG The nominal and verbal morphology of Western Bade // Morphologies of Africa and Asia / AS Kaye (ed.). — Warsaw: , 2005.
• Schuh, Russell Galen. 2007. Bade morphology. In Kaye, Alan S. (ed.), Morphologies of Asia and Africa. Winona Lake IN: Eisenbrauns 587—639.
• Ziegelmeyer, Georg. 2014. Bade between its eastern and western neighbours, past and present — Contact scenarios in northern Yobe State. In Anne Storch and Johannes Harnischfeger and Rudolf Leger (eds.), Fading Delimitations: Multilingual Settlements in a Convergence Area — Case Studies from Nigeria, 95-112. Cologne: Köppe.
• Ziegelmeyer, Georg. On the verbal system of Gashua Bade. Afrikanistik Aegyptologie online, Vol. 2014, Iss. 11,2
• Ziegelmeyer, Georg. On the adjective class in Gashua Bade. Afrikanistik Aegyptologie online, Vol. 2015, Iss. one

• Bade language of The (Eng.) . Aflang . Los Angeles: UCLA . Archived on November 28, 2016. (Retrieved November 27, 2016)
• The Phonology and morphology of Bade and Ngizim