Ethnic enclave

1. migration migration of ethnic communities;
2. the desire to unite one ethnic group in a foreign country;
3. forced territorial concentration of representatives of a certain ethnic group.

Historically, the formation of ethnic enclaves has been the result of various socio-economic factors that attract immigrants in different countries. ^[1] However, the lack of access to economic capital and knowledge regarding residential areas may limit newly arrived immigrants to affordable housing areas. The nationalist mood in the country to which immigrants arrive may force them to concentrate in certain areas where the inhabitants are people of the same or similar ethnic group. Social dynamics such as prejudice and racism can concentrate compatriots in regions that show ethnic similarity. Housing discrimination can also prevent ethnic minorities from settling in a specific living space outside the enclave. When discussing an ethnic enclave, defining it as a spatial cluster of enterprises, success and growth largely predicted three factors. These factors include: 1) the size and population of the enclave; 2) the level of entrepreneurial skills in enclaves; and 3) the availability of financial resources in enclaves. ^[1] Successful enclaves can reach the point where they become self-sufficient, or “institutionally complete” through the supply of new immigrants and the demand for goods on the market. The term "ethnic enclave" came about in response to the publication by Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson in 1980. ^[2] Portes and Wilson identified the third labor market in which Cuban expats in Miami participated. The aggregate of small enterprises of immigrants as employment for new immigrants was defined as the economy of the enclave.

Enclave as part of the economy

Observations of the Cuban ethnic enclave in Miami helped conclude Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson that participating in the enclave economy provides immigrants with the opportunity to quickly achieve economic stability in the host society. ^[2] Porter and Wilson were among the first to pay attention to this phenomenon, which they called the hypothesis of the ethnic enclave, and later it became the object of various works on this topic. The term “ethnic enclave” has become widely used to mean two different definitions: the economy of an enclave or a residential area with a high concentration of a particular ethnic group. ^[2] The most fundamental concept within the enclave hypothesis is social capital, which lays the foundation for creating migrant networks and the benefits associated with them.

Cumulative causation

With the growth of globalization and the simplification of international transport, the number of ethnic enclaves has increased, and with it the very concept of migration has changed. “New” immigrants now do not have to incur large expenses for moving to another country, since the combined resources of compatriots in this country can be the starting capital for development, and mobility increases in this connection. ^[3] According to Douglas Massey, “building networks during the migration process is a self-reproducing impulse, which leads to its growth over time, despite differences in wages, recessions, and restrictive immigration policies.” ^[3] Many of the pathways studied by the former immigrants are made available to enclave members, which simplifies immigration for future generations. By creating further immigration, migration leads to its own cumulative causality over time.

An approach that analyzes ethnic enclaves and their members by their inclusion regimes is preferable to using a neoclassical model, which states that the economic success of immigrants depends on the education, work experience and other elements of human capital that they possess. Sociologists have concluded that these factors are not enough to explain the integration and success of immigrants, measuring them through professional mobility and income. ^[four]

Social

Upon arrival in a foreign country, immigrants encounter difficulties in mastering and integrating processes and, therefore, experience different modes and levels of integration in the host society. The segmented assimilation model notes that there may be “a conscious pluralistic society in which there is a diversity of subcultures, racial and ethnic identities can coexist.” ^[5] One of the significant factors in an immigrant's journey is the presence of relatives or friends in the host country. Friends and family, forming a family network, are ready to help the newcomer - this can be classified as a type of capital commonly called social capital. Upon arrival, many immigrants do not have access to human capital and thus rely on any available source of social capital. ^[6] The costs of immigration are high, however this burden can be common and therefore will facilitate the access of immigrants to social capital in the host country. Relatives in the host country can provide assistance not only physically and economically, but also emotionally and socio-psychologically, which also plays a huge role.

Ethnic Identity The methods of assimilation and access to social capital differ between and even within ethnic groups. Various factors can influence individuals of ethnic identity, including their social class and the social networks available to them. As suggested by sociologist Maria S. Waters, the level of parental involvement in ethnic organizations or their activities significantly affects the development of the ethnic identity of their children. This is important to note, as the second generation of immigrants must work actively to identify with their ethnic group. ^[7]

Economics

The processes of enclave economics can be fully understood, only with the help of a sociological point of view, which is based on economic sociology and the sociology of immigration. Ethnic enclaves form a common stock of social capital, with the help of which members have access to resources and reduce migration costs. Economic assistance to enclave members is expressed through the provision of jobs, loans for small businesses and other forms of economic assistance. Barriers to entry into the economy of the enclave are significantly reduced due to the nationally-oriented nature of enterprises and firms. Goods and services will generally be offered in the language of this enclave. In addition, social and cultural norms specific to the host country are not required to be employed in an enclave economy. Thus, the ethno-specific nature of the enclave economy makes them attractive to new immigrants who lack the social and cultural skills necessary for integration into the economies of countries. ^[8] Entering the enclave economy depends on the registration conditions faced by the individual. Adverse modes of integration into host society provides an incentive for immigrants to enter the informal economy. Discrimination, hostility and lack of resources can encourage immigrants to enter informal forms of employment for survival. Informality is beneficial for immigrant entrepreneurship, allowing them to circumvent costly rules. In addition, the scope of employment for immigrants is expanding significantly due to the availability of informal jobs in the enclave economy. The informality of the enclave economy is also an occasion for risk and fraud. Informal activities are constantly at risk of being discovered by the formal sector, which adversely affects work safety. In addition, due to the lack of a regulatory framework, subsidiary immigrants often are silent about various forms of exploitation. ^[8] The most common form of labor exploitation in immigrant countries is unpaid labor. Illegal immigrants are especially afraid to report violations of labor laws and exploitation.

Political / Civil

Government policy on immigrants is the first admission regime in the host country. Governments typically take measures to reduce the number of “unwanted” immigrants, which could potentially pose a burden on the host society and economy. The granting of various statuses and visas (i.e. refugees, temporary visas for students and workers) to groups of immigrants affects the type of registration of immigrants. Aside from the policy of restricting immigration, some governments may also take measures to accelerate the social and political introduction of new immigrants, as well as to stimulate economic mobility. ^[9] Negative public opinion regarding immigrants is a good indicator of significant gaps in government policy; however, special interest groups may also restrict political responses to immigration. This is especially evident in liberal democracies, where “lobbying by influential employers and groups, religious groups, ethnic and immigrant defense groups, and even trade unions requires governments to pursue a more expansionary immigration policy, even when the economy is poor and the public at large is hostile to immigrants . "

The discourse around ethnic enclaves caused controversy among scientists, they were divided into two camps. Some consider the role of the enclave in the assimilation model and vertical mobility, while others consider the economic consequences associated with membership in ethnic enclaves. ^{[9] The} immediate economic and social benefits associated with membership in an ethnic enclave are undeniable, but the long-term effects remain an area of ​​uncertainty. The role of these networks remains uncertain due to the fact that ethnic enclaves allow immigrants to function successfully in the host society without significantly changing their lifestyle. ^[10] As such, they can either facilitate or impede the naturalization of the immigrant's country of residence. Another negative thing is that this may allow members of the enclave to significantly move away from integration into the new society and isolate themselves. Participants can do without acquiring the skills necessary for life in the host society, such as knowledge of cultural norms and language.

Chinatown: Yokohama, Japan

Even in Asia, there are Chinatowns with one of the oldest in Yokohama, Japan, near Tokyo, which has existed for over 150 years. There are more than 200 restaurants. This area is a must visit in Japan.

Little Italy: Manhattan, New York

District of immigrants from Italy. In the 1930s, some of the most famous Italian mafia lived there. Today, approximately 6,609 people live there, most of them are from Italy.

Greek Area: Toronto Canada

One of the largest areas of immigrants from Greece in North America.

Little Canada: Minnesota, USA

Little Canada was officially designated a village in 1953 and was registered as a city in 1974 in order to preserve the identity of the community.

Liberdade: Sao Paulo, Brazil

Japanese emigration to Brazil began in 1908. Today, 1.3 million people of Japanese descent live in Brazil, mainly concentrated in the southern States of Parana and Sao Paulo.

Cinema

Once Upon a Time in America ( Once Upon a Time in America , 1984). Action during Prohibition in America. In the slums of New York met several desperate guys who wanted to get rich, life turned out quite differently from what they wanted.

Chinese woman ( Fr. La Chinoise , 1987). Love between teenagers of different nationalities became a spark that ignited the flames of war between two districts of New York - between Little Italy and Chinatown.

Beach ( Eng. The Beach , 2000). An American young man comes to Thailand in search of adventure. A thirst for adventure led him and a few other guys to the commune.

Mysterious Forest ( The Village , 2004). The action takes place in Pennsylvania, at the end of the XIX century. Around the small village of Covington there is a dense forest in which terrible and cruel creatures live - Those whose name can not be called.

District No. 9 ( Eng. District 9 , 2009). The aliens turned out to be refugees from their own planet, and while the international community decided what to do next, a temporary camp was organized for them in the South African Region No. 9.

• Enclave

• "Yearbook of Immigration Statistics: 2012 Supplemental Table 2." US Department of Homeland Security.
• John Marzulli (May 9, 2011). "Malaysian man smuggled illegal Chinese immigrants into Brooklyn using Queen Mary 2: authorities." New York: © Copyright 2012 NY Daily News.com.
• Portes, Alejandro, and Leif Jensen. "Disproving the Enclave Hypothesis: Reply." American Sociological Review. Vol. 57. no. 3 (1992): 418-420.
• Massey, Douglas S. “Why Does Immigration Occur? A Theoretical Synthesis. ”The Handbook of International Migration: The American Experience, Charles Hirschman, Philip Kasinitz, and Josh DeWind, editors. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1999.
• Sanders, Jimy M. and Nee, Victor. "Limits of Ethnic Solidarity in the Enclave Economy." American Sociological Review. 52. no. 6 (1987): 745-773.
• Portes, Alejandro (1995). "Chapter 1: Economic Sociology and the Sociology of Immigration: A conceptual Overview." In Portes, Alejandro. The Economic Sociology of Immigration. Russel Sage Foundation. pp. 1-41.
• Portes, Alejandro, and Kenneth Wilson. “Immigrant Enclaves: An Analysis of the Labor Market Experiences of Cubans in Miami.” American Journal of Sociology. 86. no. 2 (1980): 295-319.
• Waters, Mary C. "Ethnic and Racial Identities of Second-Generation Black Immigrants in New York City." International Migration Review. 28. no. 4 (1994): 795-820.
• Duncan, Natasha T. and Waldorf, Brigitte S. "Becoming a US Citizen: The Role of Immigrant Enclaves" Cityscape. 11. No. 3 (2009): 5-28.
• Lee, Jennifer. Civility in the City: Blacks, Jews, and Koreans in Urban America. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: Harvard University Press, 2002.
• Stephen R Holloway (1998) Exploring the Neighborhood Contingency of Race Discrimination in Mortgage Lending in Columbus, Ohio Annals of the Association of American Geographers 88 (2), 252-276.

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