Palladium Ratiar

Palladium's date of birth is not known and is derived by researchers based on the known facts of his biography. In the year 335, he was a presbyter ; during the period of activity, the Fotinian was a protector of their opinions and was appointed by them as a bishop in 346. Based on this, the 19th century Russian historian of the church V. Samuil attributed his birth to the year 315 ^[3] , while R. Grison considers the first decade of the 4th century to be more likely ^[4] . According to R. Grison, the palladium diocese was located in the province of , and other opinions had previously been expressed. This region was located on the border of the eastern and western parts of the Roman Empire ^[5] .

In the actions of the Council of Aquilius of 381, the statement by the chairman of the meeting, Bishop , was preserved that at one of the councils against Photin Sirmiyskiy Palladium was deposed and convicted together with the Photinians , becoming a supporter of the Amian. Palladium himself did not comment on this statement. Among the historians of the church is not unity in assessing the reliability of this information. Tillemont considered it quite plausible, according to this should not be taken literally. believes that such a rather radical change of beliefs from Photinism to Arianism, if it took place, is very mysterious, although it is possible ^[6] . The nearest territorial bishops to Ratiaria were the prominent Arians Ursakiy Singidunsky and Valent of Murcia , perhaps Palladium was their pupil. In 366, Palladium resorted to the help of Ursacius and Valens against the clerics of Herminius ^[7] . Several works of original style and language (“Dissertatio Maximini”, comments to Amvrosia of Milan ’s “De fide”) are attributed to Palladium, but there is no consensus on this score ^[8] .

No other traces of the life of Palladium, as well as his works, remained before the dispute with the Orthodox Bishop Ambrose of Milan began ^[7] . At the beginning of 379, Palladium asked the emperor Gratian to organize an ecumenical council to protect omiyev ^[9] . Gratian initially agreed, but then agreed with Ambrose that, because of the small number of western omiyas, it was the Ecumenical Council that was not necessary, so before September 381 he ordered the organization of a council in North Italian Aquileia with the participation of the nearest bishops. Thus, the omii could not count on the support of the eastern bishops, where this current was quite strong, and of the omiyev were only the initiators of the convocation of the cathedral Palladium and Sekundian Singidunsky and the presbyter Attal ^[3] . Attala knows practically nothing about this, it was suggested that he belonged to the older generation Arians and personally knew Aria ^[10] .

On the other hand, Ambrose, who wanted to finally betray the Arians to anathema, intended, with the help of the Gallic and Northern Russian bishops, who were loyal to the Nicene confession , to recognize the Western Dominians as heretics and excommunicate them from the church. To this end, a cathedral was organized in Aquileia ^[11] . Since Ambrose had the opportunity to express his opinion to the emperor Gratian after Palladium, his point of view on how the cathedral was supposed to be organized, was victorious and the eastern bishops were not invited ^[12] . Another reason for requiring the adoption of tough measures against omiyev in the north of the empire was the rapid spread of Arianism among the Germans ^[13] .

Acts Aquilean Cathedral preserved in the form of the court record. The cathedral opened on September 3, 381, with the participation of 35 Orthodox bishops and consuls Suagria and Euheria ^[14] . Even before the opening of the cathedral, private conversations between Orthodox and Palladium with the Sekundian took place, in which the omii expressed their point of view according to which the Son of God is a creation. Then, when the cathedral opened, and it became clear that the Omii were in the minority, Palladium began to insist on postponing considerations until the arrival of the Oriental ones. However, at the request of Ambrose, who became the keynote speaker from the Orthodox , the letter of Arius to Bishop Alexander of Alexandria was publicly read, after which Palladium was asked whether he condemned Arius’s opinion of the Son as blasphemy . In this letter, Arius contained provisions consistent with the Omish doctrine, while others accepted by more radical anomeas were anathematized. In the discussion that followed, Palladium presented his view that Jesus Christ was the true Son of God, whose divine nature is true, but his can not be called true God. As proof, he referred to a well-known place in the Gospel of John (“My Father is greater than Me,” John 14:28 ). Then he referred to the fact that the Son was born of the Father, sent by the Father, subordinate to him and fulfills his commands. Wise, good, omnipotent and the judge of all Palladium considered one Father, as possessing independently these properties. Although these properties are also inherent in the Son, but not as independent, but received from the Father. Regarding the incarnation, Palladium recognized acceptance of only human flesh without a soul by the Son of God, while his deity was immortal and called him mortal to the extent that the human soul can be considered mortal. According to V. Samuilov, in his views Palladium discovered following the teachings of Eusebius of Caesarea ^[15] . At the same time, he avoided condemning the Aria doctrine in every way possible. Then Sekundian and the priest Attal followed this line. As R. Grison noted, “Palladium refuses to say that the Son is the true God, because for him alone the Father is the true God, that is, the Beginning without a beginning. But he confesses that he is truly the son of God by opposing to people who are sons of God only by means of adoption; He alone receives being directly from the Father, and He is similar to Him. ” ^[16] In this aspect, the palladium theology is extremely similar to the triadological doctrine of Eunomius ^[17] .

At the end of the discussion, Palladium made another attempt to avoid discussion, demanding as representatives of civil authorities as witnesses. To this Ambrose reminded him of the usual practice of the church, according to which "in matters of faith, the priests judge the laity, and not the laity of the priests." After September 3, Palladium refused to answer the question of whether the divine dignity of the Son diminishes his death on the Cross, and the validity of applying the name “perfect creation” to him, the discussion was at a standstill ^[18] . Ambrose announced to the council that he did not consider Palladium worthy of episcopal dignity and ecclesiastical communion , after which each of the bishops expressed his opinion. Most hesitated to recognize him as an Aryanin and condemned only because he did not anathematize the provisions of the teachings of Arius and his letter to Alexander ^[19] . Palladium continued to insist on attracting Eastern bishops, clerks and ordinary listeners to the cathedral. In response, Ambrose formulated his principle “priests should judge the laity, not the laity of the priests.” On the same day, Palladium, Sekundian and Attal were anathematized and erupted from the dignity, about which a letter was sent to all the bishops of the West. In the practice of the Christian church such strict punishment was applied for the first time ^[20] .

The canonical foundations of such a severe condemnation of Palladium, as well as the desire of Palladium to bring pagan secular authorities to the conciliar discussion, were analyzed in detail ^{[21] [22]} .

• Gryson R. Scolies ariennes sur le Concile d'Aquilée . - 1980. - 386 p. - ISBN 2-204-01520-2 .
• Hefele KJ by HN Oxenham. - Edinburg, 1876. - T. II. - 503 p.
• Williams D. Ambrose of Arian-Nicene Conflicts. - Oxford: Clarendon Press , 1995. - 235 p. - ISBN 0-19-826464-X .
• G. Zakharov. The Roman Championship and the Development of the Institute of the Church Council in the Age of Arian Disputes. // Vestnik PSTGU. II: History. History of the Russian Orthodox Church. - 2015. - Vol. 1 (62). - p. 7-25.
• A. Yu. Mitrofanov. History of church councils in Italy (4th — 5th centuries). - Krutitsy Patriarchal Compound: Society of Church History Lovers, 2006. - 625 p. - (Materials on the history of the Church). - 1000 copies
• Samuilov V.N. The history of Arianism in the Latin West (353-430) . - SPb. , 1890. - 305 s.
• Auxentius, Georg Waitz . Über das Leben und die Lehre des Ulfila - Bruchstücke eines ungedruckten Werkes aus dem Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts . - Hannover, 1840. - 77 p.