The National Liberation Front for the Name Farabundo Martí ( FNOF , Spanish: Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, FMLN ) is a left - wing political party , one of the two largest parties in El Salvador (along with the right-wing conservative Nationalist Republican Alliance ). It bears the name of the leader of the Salvadoran revolutionaries of the early XX century, Farabundo Marti .
| Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front | |
|---|---|
| Spanish Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional | |
| Leader | Medardo Gonzalez |
| Established | October 10, 1980 |
| Headquarters | |
| Ideology | Socialism |
| International | Sao Paulo Forum, Progressive Alliance ; COPPPAL . [one] |
| Seats in the lower house | 31/84 (2015) |
| Party print | radio "Venseremos" Radio Farabundo Marti Radio Libertad (October 10, 1981) [2] newspaper “Venseremos!” (“We will win!”) Newsletter Senal de la Libertad [3] |
| Website | Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional |
Formed as a coalition of five rebel organizations in 1980 and associated with the Revolutionary Democratic Front , the FNOFM was one of the parties to the Civil War in El Salvador . After the end of the war, the Chapultepec Accords of 1992 transformed into a legal parliamentary party of a socialist nature, which won parliamentary and presidential elections in 2009. FNOFM presidents Mauricio Funes and Salvador Sanchez Seren led the country in 2009-2019.
Content
- 1 Creation and structure
- 2 During the civil war (1980-1992)
- 2.1 Structure of the armed forces of the FNOFM
- 2.2 Armament of FNOFM
- 2.3 FNOFM fronts
- 2.4 International recognition
- 3 After the end of the civil war
- 4 Persons
- 5 See also
- 6 Literature
- 7 notes
- 8 References
Creation and Structure
The organization was established during the 1980s. The first step was the agreement concluded in December 1979 on the establishment of a focal point, which included representatives of three revolutionary organizations: the Farabundo Martí People’s Liberation Forces (FPL), the Armed Forces of National Resistance, and the Communist Party of El Salvador (PCS). Having agreed on a unity of action, each of the three organizations remained independent. In January 1980, the "Revolutionary Party of El Salvador - Revolutionary People's Army" (ERP) also joined the agreement. Together they developed a software platform for the future revolutionary government of the country, and the coordination of positions on the main issues of a military, political, national and international nature made it possible to create a “Revolutionary Coordinating Committee” in January 1980 [4] , on the basis of which by May 1980 a common military command ( Direccion Revolucionario Unificada - United Revolutionary Leadership ) [5] .
Finally, on October 11, 1980, a single National Liberation Front was created, which included:
- Farabundo Marti People's Liberation Forces (FPL),
- armed groups: EPL (Ejército Popular de Liberacion)
- The Revolutionary Party of Salvador (PRS, Partido de la Revolución Salvadoreña),
- armed groups: “Revolutionary Army of the People” (ERP, Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo),
- National Resistance (RN),
- armed forces: “Armed Forces of National Resistance” (RN-FARN, Fuerzas Armadas de la Resistencia Nacional)
- Communist Party of El Salvador (PCS),
- Armed Forces: Armed Forces of Liberation (FAL, Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación)
- Central American Revolutionary Workers Party (PRTC)
- armed forces: ERTC (Ejército Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos)
Each organization delegated 3 representatives to the leadership of the movement, but at the same time retained its own armed detachments and a certain autonomy of action at a tactical level.
At an early stage, the leader of the movement was Salvador Caetano Carpio , and after his suicide on April 12, 1983, Joaquin Villalobos , leader of the ERP. After the conclusion of peace agreements, purely political work came to the fore and Shafiq Khandal gradually began to advance. In this way
The Salvadoran FNOFM (Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front) was formed from five organizations, of which only one was officially communist - the Salvadoran Communist Party (PCS). As we can see, 50 years have passed since the creation of the first socialist republic of the region — Cuba — and the ideas of socialism did not disappear, but became social practice, and, in fact, the only alternative to today's neo-colonialism of the United States. And the openness of the majority of the left of the region to cooperation has become one of the main reasons for this. [6]
During the Civil War (1980-1992)
FNOFM, with the support of Cuba and Nicaragua, waged a guerrilla war against the military dictatorship from 1980 to 1992.
Estimates of the total number of activists of the FNOFM during this period vary widely. According to modern estimates, in 1985 the forces of the FNOFM numbered from 6,000 to 15,000 fighters, in 1987-1988 - about 4,500-6,000 fighters, in 1989 - 7,000, in 1990 - about 6,000-8,000, in 1991 - about 6- 7 thousand [7] . At the time of the end of the civil war in December 1992, there were approximately 8,000 - 10,000 activists in the ranks of the FNOFM [8] (including at least 6,000 fighters) [9] .
FNOFM Armed Forces structure
- “High Command” (Comandancia General) - the highest military leadership of the FNOFM;
- "Special forces" (Fuerzas Especiales Selectas, FES) - a few (no more than a platoon) equipped with the best weapons, veteran units that have undergone special training and were directly subordinate to the highest military command. Included detachments of "sappers", "urban commandos" and combat swimmers.
- "Strategic mobile forces" - mobile paramilitary units of veterans who have undergone military training in training camps and organized in the image of regular troops (platoons, "columns", companies and, in the period 1981-1984, battalions), the area of operations of which was the whole territory countries.
- "Partisan detachments" - detachments and platoons created on the territorial principle and operating within a particular region. They were inferior to “mobile forces” in the quality of training and weapons (they often used outdated and improvised weapons). They assisted the “mobile forces”, provided protection for the territory, patrolled the area, collected taxes, independently carried out small operations: engaged in skirmishes and organized ambushes for small units, carried out raids ...
- “People's militia” (guerrilleros milicianos) - detachments and groups in which only commanders were trained in military affairs: youth, students, workers ... They were in a legal or semi-legal position. We had practically no weapons (with the exception of pistols, the Molotov cocktail, etc.). They rarely participated in hostilities, as a reinforcement, or performed secondary functions. They ensured the recruitment of supporters, the collection of information, money and necessary materials, propaganda, courier communications, and committed acts of sabotage and sabotage [10] .
Armament FNOFM
Estimates of the total number of weapons of the TNF and the sources of their production vary significantly. For example, during the civil war, representatives of the government of El Salvador and the US government have repeatedly stated that the FNOFMs provide almost completely with arms to the socialist countries. Representatives of the FNOFM stated that they provided themselves with weapons on their own (in part, even their opponents and representatives of government forces confirmed this circumstance).
- for example, after summing up the summer offensive of 1982, the command of the FNOFM issued a statement that in the period from July to October 1982, 650 units were seized from government forces. small arms, more than 20 units of heavy weapons (anti-tank grenade launchers, mortars and guns) and 235 prisoners. The representative of the Ministry of Defense admitted that during this period “more than 600 pieces of weapons were lost, but mostly rifles” [11]
- FNOFM representatives have repeatedly stated that some of the Kalashnikov assault rifles and other weapons produced by the socialist countries were purchased by them from Nicaraguan " contra " [12] [13] . In September 1988, one of the Contras executives named Horacio Arce ( Commander Mercenario ) admitted that some of the weapons received from the Americans were sold to the TNFF for profit [14] .
In total, from 1981 to 1990, government forces seized 10 525 pieces. firearms.
- quantitatively, the standard army armament dominated by the government of El Salvador (army, National Guard and police): American automatic rifles AR-15, M-16 , CAR-15 (4730 pcs.); German submachine guns H&K G-3 ; Israeli UZI submachine guns, as well as significantly fewer trophy heavy weapons: M-60 machine guns, Browning M2HB , LAW anti-tank grenade launchers and several recoilless guns.
- in addition, a number of weapons that were in service with the armies of other countries of Latin America (including obsolete American-made weapons from World War II, delivered in 1941-1970 under military assistance programs): Belgian FN FAL assault rifles, Israeli Galil assault rifles and UZI submachine guns, American M-1 carbines and Thompson submachine guns ...
- weapons produced by the socialist countries were first noticed in 1984, but up to 1987 they accounted for less than 1% of all weapons captured by government forces, by 1990 they amounted to 30% of the weapons of the rebels, including a significant part of the heavy weapons and almost all anti-aircraft missile systems: total, 937 pcs. AKM assault rifles (manufactured in Hungary, Yugoslavia, East Germany and North Korea), 19 pcs. Soviet SVD sniper rifles, 31 pcs. RPK light machine guns (produced in Yugoslavia and Romania), Czechoslovakian submachine guns vz.23 and vz.25, anti-tank grenade launchers Type 56 (Chinese-made) and RPG-7 (Soviet-made), 24 pcs. Strela-2 anti-aircraft missile systems.
- a weapon stands out separately, the origin of which is not possible to establish: old magazine rifles with manual reloading of the 1910-1940s, hunting rifles, Egyptian Port-Said submachine guns, several Austrian Steyr MPi-69 submachine guns and German H&K MP .5 , one FIM-43A "Redeye" anti-aircraft missile system ... [15]
It should be borne in mind that the above list did not take into account improvised weapons manufactured independently by the FNOFM in weapons workshops and semi-artisanal conditions (hand grenades, various mines, a number of single-shot rifles and improvised mortars).
After the signing of peace agreements in 1992, the armed formations of the FNOFM were demobilized and disarmed. As of December 15, 1992, the command of the FNOFM surrendered 93% of the weapons, the possession of which they reported in the negotiations (but at the same time reported that some of the weapons could be hidden by activists). Ultimately, from the beginning of 1992 until the end of 1993, according to ONUSAL ( United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador ), 411 pistols, 239 submachine guns, 8268 submachine guns, 271 submachine guns, 662 grenade launchers were handed over, found and seized in the country , 379 mortars and recoilless artillery, 74 missiles and rockets, 140 rocket-propelled grenades, 4,032,606 pcs. cartridges, 9,228 mortar mines and hand grenades (including homemade grenades and gas grenades equipped with CN.57). These numbers include weapons that were surrendered by TNFM activists; weapons seized from activists and supporters of the FNOFM, as well as weapons found at battlefields, in hiding places and “caches” during search operations (although the owners of some hiding places were not identified) [16] . In general, to date, the population has a significant amount of weapons in its hands.
FNOFM Fronts
In the initial period of the Civil War, the FNOFM divided the country's territory into five fronts:
- western front (" Feliciano Ama ");
- intermediate central front (“ Clara Elizabeth Ramírez ”), subsequently renamed “ Anastasio Aquino ”;
- central front (" Modesto Ramírez ");
- eastern front (" Francisco Sanches "), subsequently divided into two equal parts:
- northeast front (" Apolinario Serrano ")
- northwestern front (“ Felipe Peña ”) [17] .
In addition, the fight of the arrested activists of the FNOFM in places of detention was called the “fifth front of the fight” ( Quinto Frente de Guerra “Pedro Pablo Castillo” ).
International Recognition
On August 26, 1981, the governments of Mexico and France recognized the RDF and the FNOFM as a political force [18] , followed by the recognition of Nicaragua, then, by the end of the year, recognition by Norway and the Netherlands [19] , and by 1984 the FNOFM had permanent missions in 30 countries Europe and Latin America [20] . As of May 1987, RDF and FNOFM were recognized by 40 countries of the world and 70 international and intergovernmental organizations (including several UN commissions) [21] .
After the Civil War
Subsequently, the movement was transformed into a legal political party.
In early December 1994, after elections to the Legislative Assembly, part of the ERP and RN activists left the FNFM, the split of the left forces caused the strengthening of the positions of the right and conservative parties [22] . As a result, representatives of the FNOFM received 21 seats in parliament [23] .
In 1995, the political structures of the organizations affiliated with the FNOFM announced self-dissolution, their activists became directly members of the FNOFM. Now within the FNOFM there are currents uniting the representatives of former political structures.
In March 1997, in the next legislative assembly, the FNOFM significantly strengthened its position, gaining 28 out of 64 seats in parliament; in addition, representatives of the FNOFM took mayor posts in the capital and 55 other cities from 262 cities of the country [24]
In the 2000 parliamentary elections, the FNOFM won 31 seats in parliament [23] .
In the 2003 parliamentary elections, the FNOFM also won 31 seats in parliament [23] .
In October 2004, an activist training school was opened ( Escuela de Formación Política-Ideológica “Farabundo Martí” ).
In the 2009 parliamentary elections, the FNOFM received 42.6% of the vote and 35 seats [25] .
On March 15, 2009, the representative of the moderate wing of the FNOFM, Mauricio Funes, won the presidential election as a candidate for right-wing forces, receiving 1354 thousand (51.32%) of the vote [26] .
The official figures mentioned above must be taken critically, since election rigging in favor of the oligarchy is “the national tradition of El Salvador”. So, at the last election in favor of the opponent Funes, “from 10 to 15 percent of the vote” was “thrown”, according to experts. Authorities brought buses by citizens of Honduras, as well as Guatemala and Nicaragua, in order to vote under the guise of residents of El Salvador, accommodate "guests" for the night in specially designated government buildings and schools, provided with false identification cards, included in the electoral lists. However, Funes came with such a staggering margin that these frauds did not help [27] .
In the 2014 presidential election, the FNOFM candidate, Vice President Salvador Sanchez Seren , won with 50.11% of the vote in the second round.
In the parliamentary elections of 2015, the FNOFM received 37.28% of the vote and 31 seats.
Persons
- Salvador Cayetano Carpio
- Melida Anaya Montes
- Shafiq Jorge Handal
- Rafael Mengivar Larin
- Salvador Sanchez Seren
- Antonio Cardenal Caldera
- Pakito Arriaran
- Joaquin Villalobos
See also
- Laurie Berenson
- Revolutionary democratic front
Literature
- Miguel Hernández Arias. Fénix. Cenizas de una operación estadounidense que no renació (2006) (Spanish)
- Jaime Barrios. Says radio "Venseremos" // "Problems of peace and socialism", No. 8 (288), August 1982. p. 66-69
Notes
- ↑ COPPPAL.org: Países y partidos miembros Archived October 23, 2016. (Spanish)
- ↑ [El Salvador] Says Radio Libertad // Izvestia, No. 237 (19913) of October 10, 1981. p. 4
- ↑ A.V. Baryshev. El Salvador: “two wars.” M., "International Relations", 1985. p. 49
- ↑ M.F. Gornov, V.G. Tkachenko. Latin America: the experience of popular coalitions and the class struggle. M., Politizdat, 1981. p. 157
- ↑ A.V. Baryshev. El Salvador: the hard way to freedom. M., “Knowledge”, 1981. pp. 46-47
- ↑ Gleb of Targon. “Latin American Seminars” // “APN North-West” of March 30, 2009
- ↑ Uppsala conflict data expansion. Non-state actor information. Codebook pp. 215–219 Archived on January 21, 2012.
- ↑ Rubén Aguilar Valenzuela. El Salvador: 30 años del FMLN // El Economista October 13, 2010
- ↑ Countries of the world: a short political and economic reference book. M., "Republic", 1993. p. 354
- ↑ I.M. Motin. El Salvador: the war continues. // Latin America, No. 12, 1981. p. 5-20
- ↑ Jaime Barrios. The military onslaught, political initiative // “Problems of Peace and Socialism”, No. 4 (296), April 1983. p. 61-65
- ↑ “ “ Contras sell arms to FMLN people “, Ruben Zamora said ”
Arms said sold // “The Daily Record” (Ellensburg) February 2, 1988. p. 7 - ↑ " Salvadoran insurgent chiefs said in mid-1988 they were acquiring arms indirectly from the Contra rebels. But AK-47s, the standard Contra weapon, have never been so evident among Salvadoran guerrillas as during the past few weeks. "
Douglas Grant Mine. Guerrillas, armed with AK-47s, preparing big push // Associated Press March 6, 1989 (AP News Archive) - ↑ Contra sell US arms, ex-chief says // “The Modesto bee” September 28, 1988 page A12
- ↑ Lawrence J. Whelan. Weapons of the FMLN // Small Arms World Report 1990
- ↑ Edward J. Laurance and William H. Godnick. Weapons Collection in Central America: El Salvador and Guatemala. Chapter contribution for the Bonn International Center for Conversion, January 2000. pp. 7-8
- ↑ Jose Angel Moroni Bracamonte, David E. Spencer. Strategy and Tactics of the Salvadoran FMLN Guerillas: last battle of the Cold War, blueprint for future conflicts. Westport, Praeger Publisher, 1995. p. 43-49
- ↑ Blow to the junta // Izvestia, No. 204 (19880) from 09/01/1981. page 4
- ↑ I.M. Motin. El Salvador: the struggle continues // Latin America, No. 12, 1981. p. 5-20
- ↑ V.N. Krestyaninov. Zigzags of Washington politics in El Salvador // Latin America, No. 1, 1984. pp. 13-22
- ↑ Jaime Barrios. Is a peaceful settlement possible in El Salvador? // "Problems of peace and socialism", No. 5 (345), 1987. pp. 71-75
- ↑ Tracy Wilkinson. Salvadoran opposition party breaks up. Latin America: bitter split of ex-rebels echoes crisis within the political left throughout region. // Los Angeles Times December 7, 1994
- ↑ 1 2 3 José María Tojeira. Did the FMLN win, or ARENA lose? // Envio, No. 261, April 2003
- ↑ " In this decade's first favorable election showing for Central American leftists, Salvadoran guerrillas-turned-politicians took control of the country major city halls ... FMLN declared victory in 56 of the 262 mayoral races - including those in the nation's capital and its second- largest city - and 28 of the 64 congressional contests in Sunday's elections. "
Juanita Darling. Unity Brings Victory for Salvadoran Leftists. Elections: Ex-rebels see gains in legislative, mayoral races. Crucial alliances helped them broaden appeal. // Los Angeles Times March 18, 1997 - ↑ Salvador. Legislative Election 2009
- ↑ official presidential election results // Tribunal Supremo Electoral de El Salvador website
- ↑ Alexander Sivov. El Salvador: how the revolution won // APN North-West of 04/28/2011
Links
- Official website of the movement (Spanish)
- Revista Informativa - FMLN Canada (Spanish)
- FNOFM short history course (inaccessible link)
- “ In the Name of the People ” (USA, 1985) - a documentary
- The genesis of FNOFM and the civil war in El Salvador
- Documentary footage from an interview with partisans of the FNOFM. 1981 (video)
- " El Himno del FMLN " - FNOFM anthem
- Song of Salvado Partisans