General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee

The post of General Secretary and the victory of Stalin in the struggle for power (1922-1934)

B. Bazhanov , the former personal secretary of I. V. Stalin, argued that the proposal to establish the post of general secretary and appoint Stalin to him was made by G. E. Zinoviev and L. B. Kamenev in agreement with V. I. Lenin ^{[1 ] [4]} .

Initially, this position meant only leadership of the party’s apparatus (paragraph 32 of the Charter read: “The Central Committee organizes: for political work - the Political Bureau, for general management of organizational work - the Organizational Bureau and for current work of an organizational and executive nature - the Secretariat” ^[2] ), while the post of party leader was formally absent (according to the Charter), in fact, he was the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Lenin .

Lenin appreciated Stalin's organizing abilities, but the despotic manner of his behavior ("Stalin, having become secretary general, concentrated immense power in his hands, and I’m not sure if he will always be able to use this power with caution" ^[8] ) forced Lenin to “Letter to Congress ” write that Stalin is “ too rude ”and this flaw is“ intolerable in the post of Secretary General ” ^[9] . Lenin addressed the letter to the XII Congress of the RCP (B.) , But a new attack of the disease did not allow him to make appropriate orders.

Stalin , Zinoviev and Kamenev organized a triumvirate based on opposition to Trotsky (see article Trotsky ).

Before the XIII Congress (held in May 1924 ), the widow of Lenin, Nadezhda Krupskaya, transmitted the " Letter to the Congress ." It was announced at a meeting of the Council of Elders. Stalin at this meeting for the first time announced his resignation. In connection with this letter, Stalin himself several times raised before the Central Committee plenary session the question of his resignation. Kamenev suggested reading out the “Letter” on delegations and thus avoiding its open discussion. Most spoke in favor of leaving Stalin as secretary general, only opposition supporters were against.

After the death of Lenin, Leo Trotsky could claim the role of the first person in the party and state, but was pushed aside from the leadership of the "troika" in the person of Zinoviev, Kamenev and Stalin ^[10] . And the real career of Stalin begins only from the moment when Zinoviev and Kamenev, wanting to seize the legacy of Lenin and organizing the struggle against Trotsky, elected Stalin as an ally, who must be in the party apparatus ^[11] . In December 1925, at the XIV Congress of the CPSU (B.), As a result of a split in the Politburo and the formation of a “new opposition”, Stalin first made a political report of the Central Committee — Lenin always spoke with this report before his illness, and Zinoviev always spoke at the XII and XIII congresses (at the XIV Congress, he acted as a co-rapporteur from the Leningrad delegation). It is significant that even then, Stalin was called in the speech of his faithful friend K. E. Voroshilov “the main member of the Politburo”, who “takes the most active part in resolving issues, and his proposals are more frequent than anyone else” ^[12] .

On December 27, 1926, Stalin submitted a letter of resignation from the post of Secretary General: “I ask you to release me from the post of Secretary General of the Central Committee. I declare that I can no longer work in this post, I am not able to work in this post anymore. ” The resignation was not accepted ^[4] .

Interestingly, Stalin in official documents usually did not sign with the full name of the post ^[4] . He signed as the "Secretary of the Central Committee" ^{[13] [14] [15]} and was addressed to him as Secretary of the Central Committee ^[16] . When the Encyclopedic Handbook “Figures of the USSR and the Revolutionary Movements of Russia ” (prepared in 1925-1926 ) was published, Stalin was presented there as follows: “Since 1922 , Stalin has been one of the secretaries of the Central Committee of the party, in which position he remains now ”, that is, there is not a word about the post of Secretary General ^[17] . Since the author of the article was I.P. Tovstukh , Stalin's personal secretary, this means that such was Stalin's desire ^[18] . The same information is presented in the first edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Volume 52 was published in 1947). The second edition of the TSB (Volume 40 was published in 1957 — that is, after the 20th Congress ) provides the following information: “On April 3, 1922, the Plenum of the Central Committee elected JV Stalin the Secretary General of the Central Committee. In 1952, the Plenum elected JV Stalin a member of the Presidium of the Central Committee and Secretary of the Central Committee . ” In the “Soviet Historical Encyclopedia” the following text was given: “... at the plenum of the Central Committee ... April 3. 1922 was elected Secretary General of the Central Committee and worked in this post for more than thirty years ”(Volume 13 was published in 1971 — that is, under Brezhnev) ^[19] . The same information is presented in the third edition of TSB (volume 24 was published in 1976) ^[20] .

By the end of the 1920s, Stalin concentrated so much personal power in his hands that the position became associated with the highest position in the party leadership, although the Charter of the CPSU (b) did not provide for its existence ^[21] .

When V.M. Molotov was appointed Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR in 1930 ; he requested to be relieved of his duties as Secretary of the Central Committee. Stalin agreed, and the duties of the second secretary of the Central Committee ^[22] began to be fulfilled by Lazar Kaganovich ^[23] . He replaced Stalin in the Central Committee ^[24] .

Stalin - sovereign ruler of the USSR (1934-1951)

According to R. Medvedev , in January 1934 at the XVII Congress an illegal bloc was formed, mainly from the secretaries of the regional committees and the Central Committee of the national communist parties. There were proposals to move Stalin to the post of chairman of the Council of People's Commissars or the CEC , and to elect S. M. Kirov to the post of general secretary of the Central Committee. A group of congress delegates talked about this with Kirov, but he resolutely refused, and without his consent the whole plan would become unrealistic ^[25] .

For all the importance of Leningrad and the Leningrad region, their leader Kirov was never the second person in the USSR. The position of the second most important person in the country was occupied by the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars Molotov ^[26] . At the plenum after the congress, Kirov, like Stalin, was elected secretary of the Central Committee. After 10 months, Kirov died in the Smolny building from a shot by a former party worker ^[27] . The murder of Kirov , a companion and closest friend of Stalin, led to the outbreak of mass terror , which reached its climax in 1937-1938 ^[28] . It was the XVII Congress that consolidated the actual concentration of power in the hands of a group of people led by Stalin. At the suggestion of Stalin (voiced in the report), the congress approved a radical restructuring of the party-state control system. From now on, a single party-government control body was divided into a purely government Soviet control commission and a party control commission. The latter was to be elected by the congress, but in its activities reported to the Central Committee of the CPSU (b). Speaking about the perestroika plan, Stalin emphasized that control, both party and state, means a centralized verification of the implementation of political decisions. “Now we need not an inspection, but a verification of the implementation of the decisions of the center.” As for the Party Control Commission, it had to carry out the instructions of the Central Committee, and its local workers could now act independently of local authorities. The commission was authorized to prosecute even members of the Central Committee, while its leader himself was to be a member of the Central Committee. Stalin himself was categorically against the proposal to discuss these changes at the plenary session of the Central Control Commission, due to which friction on this project did not arise. Stalin did not say anything in his report about the possibility of appealing against decisions of the Party Control Commission (therefore, this issue was not mentioned in the resolution of the congress) ^[29] . Since 1934, the reference to the post of Secretary-General has generally disappeared from the documents ^[4] . At the Plenums of the Central Committee held after the XVII , XVIII and XIX congresses of the party, Stalin was elected secretary of the Central Committee, in fact fulfilling the functions of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the party ^[30] . After the XVII Congress of the CPSU (b), held in 1934, the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) elected the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) composed of Zhdanov , Kaganovich , Kirov and Stalin ^{[30] [31]} . Stalin, as the chair of the meetings of the Politburo and the Secretariat , retained the general leadership, that is, the right to approve one or another agenda and determine the degree of readiness of the draft decisions submitted for consideration ^[32] .

Stalin continued in official documents, signed as “Secretary of the Central Committee” ^[33] , and he continued to be addressed as Secretary of the Central Committee ^[34] . Sometimes Stalin used the title of Secretary General ^[35] .

Subsequent updates of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B.) In 1939 and 1946 also held with the election of formally equal secretaries of the Central Committee ^[30] . The Charter of the CPSU, adopted in October 1952 at the 19th Congress of the CPSU, did not contain any mention of the existence of the post of "Secretary General".

In May 1941, in connection with the appointment of Stalin as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, the Politburo adopted a resolution ^[36] in which Andrei Zhdanov was officially named Stalin's deputy for the party : “In view of the fact that Comrade. Stalin, remaining at the insistence of the Politburo of the Central Committee the First ^[37] Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU (B.) , Will not be able to devote sufficient time to work on the Secretariat of the Central Committee , appoint Comrade Zhdanova A. A. Deputy Comrade Stalin for the Secretariat of the Central Committee ” ^[38] .

Vyacheslav Molotov and Lazar Kaganovich, who actually performed this role, were not previously granted the official status of deputy party leader ^[38] .

The struggle among the country's leaders escalated as Stalin increasingly raised the question that in the event of his death, he needed to select successors in the leadership of the party and government . Molotov recalled: “After the war, Stalin was about to retire and said at the table:“ Let Vyacheslav work now. He is younger than "" ^[39] .

For a long time, Molotov saw a possible successor to Stalin ^[25] , but later Stalin, who considered the post of head of government to be the first post in the USSR, suggested in private conversations that he sees Nikolai Voznesensky as his successor in the state line ^[40] .

Continuing to see in Voznesensky his successor under the leadership of the country's government, Stalin began to look for another candidate for the post of party leader. Mikoyan recalled: “It seems that it was 1948. Once, Stalin pointing to the 43-year-old Alexei Kuznetsov , he said that future leaders should be young, and in general, such a person could someday become his successor in leading the party and the Central Committee ” ^[25] .

By this time, two dynamic rival groups had formed in the country's leadership ^[41] . Further events turned tragically. In August 1948, the leader of the “Leningrad group” A. A. Zhdanov suddenly dies. Almost a year later, in 1949, Voznesensky and Kuznetsov became key figures in the Leningrad affair . They were sentenced to death and executed on October 1, 1950 ^[42] .

The last years of the reign of Stalin (1951-1953)

Since Stalin's health was a forbidden topic, only various rumors served as a source for versions of his illnesses ^[43] . The state of health began to affect its performance. Many documents remained unsigned for a long time. He was the Chairman of the Council of Ministers , and it was not he who chaired the meetings of the Council of Ministers , but Voznesensky (until removal from all posts in 1949 ). After Ascension - Malenkov ^[44] . According to historian Yu. Zhukov , Stalin's decline in working capacity began in February 1950 and reached its lower limit, stabilizing in May 1951 ^[45] .

As Stalin began to tire of everyday affairs and business papers remained unsigned for a long time, in February 1951 it was decided that three managers — Malenkov, Beria, and Bulganin — had the right to sign for Stalin, and they used his facsimile ^{[46] [47]} .

Georgy Malenkov led the preparations for the 19th Congress of the CPSU (B. ), Which took place in October 1952 . At the congress, Malenkov was instructed to make a Central Committee Report, which was a sign of Stalin's special confidence. Georgy Malenkov was considered as his most probable successor ^[48] .

On the last day of the congress , October 14 , Stalin made a brief speech ^[49] . This was the last open public speech by Stalin ^[50] .

The procedure for electing the leading organs of the party at the Plenum of the Central Committee on October 16, 1952 was rather specific. Stalin, taking a piece of paper from his jacket , said: “One could choose, for example, such comrades — Comrade Stalin, Comrade Andrianov , Comrade Aristov , Comrade Beria , Comrade Bulganin ...” and then in alphabetical order another 20 names, including the names of Molotov and Mikoyan , to which he, in his speech, had just without any reason expressed political distrust. Then he read out candidates for members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, including the names of Brezhnev and Kosygin ^[51] .

Then Stalin took another piece of paper from the side pocket of his jacket and said: “Now about the Central Committee Secretariat. One could elect, for example, the secretaries of the Central Committee such comrades - Comrade Stalin, Comrade Aristov , Comrade Brezhnev, Comrade Ignatov , Comrade Malenkov , Comrade Mikhailov , Comrade Pegov , Comrade Ponomarenko , Comrade Suslov , Comrade Khrushchev ” ^[51] .

Altogether, 36 people were invited to the Presidium and the secretariat ^[52] .

At the same plenum ^[53] Stalin tried to relinquish his party responsibilities by abandoning the post of secretary of the Central Committee , however, under pressure from delegates to the plenary session, he accepted this post.

Suddenly, someone shouted out loud: "We must elect Comrade Stalin as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee." Everyone stood up, thunderous applause sounded. The ovation lasted several minutes. We, sitting in the hall, thought it was quite natural. But Stalin waved his hand, urging everyone to silence, and when the applause was silent, unexpectedly for the members of the Central Committee he said: “No! "Release me from the duties of the Secretary General of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR." After these words, a shock arose, an amazing silence reigned ... Malenkov quickly went down to the podium and said: “Comrades! We must all unanimously and unanimously ask Comrade Stalin, our leader and teacher, to continue to be the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. ” Thunder of applause and applause followed again. Then Stalin went to the podium and said: “Applause is not needed at the Plenum of the Central Committee. It is necessary to solve issues without emotions, in a businesslike way. And I ask you to release me from the duties of the Secretary General of the CPSU Central Committee and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. I'm already old. I do not read papers. Choose another secretary! ” The people in the room rustled. Marshal S.K. Timoshenko rose from the front ranks and loudly declared: “Comrade Stalin, the people will not understand this! We all as one elect you as our leader — the Secretary General of the CPSU Central Committee. There can be no other solution. ” All standing, warmly applauding, supported Comrade Tymoshenko. Stalin stood for a long time and looked into the hall, then he waved his hand and sat down.

- From the memoir of Leonid Efremov “The Roads of Struggle and Labor” (1998) ^{[54] [55] [56]}

When the question arose of forming the governing bodies of the party, Stalin took the floor and began to say that it was difficult for him to be both the prime minister of the government and the party’s general secretary: These are not the years; it's hard for me; no forces; well, what a prime minister that cannot even make a report or a report. Stalin said this and peered inquiringly at the faces, as if studying how the Plenum would react to his words about his resignation. Not a single person sitting in the hall practically admitted the possibility of Stalin's resignation. And all instinctively felt that Stalin did not want his words about the resignation to be accepted.

- From the memoir of Dmitry Shepilov “Uninvolved” ^[57]

Unexpectedly for all, Stalin proposed the creation of a new, non-statutory body - the Bureau of the Presidium of the Central Committee. It was to fulfill the functions of the former omnipotent Politburo . Stalin proposed not to include Molotov and Mikoyan in this supreme party organ. This was adopted by the Plenum , as always, unanimously ^{[58] [59]} .

Stalin continued to search for a successor, but he did not share his intentions with anyone ^[54] . It is known that shortly before his death, Stalin considered Panteleimon Ponomarenko as a successor and continuer of his work ^[60] . The high authority of Ponomarenko manifested itself at the XIX Congress of the CPSU. When he climbed the podium to deliver a speech, the delegates greeted him with applause. ^[61] However, Stalin did not manage to conduct, through the Presidium of the Central Committee, a poll appointing P.K. Ponomarenko to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR . Only Beria , Malenkov , Khrushchev and Bulganin from among 25 members of the Presidium of the Central Committee ^{[62] [63] [64]} did not manage to sign the document of appointment.

The death of Stalin (March 5, 1953)

According to the official version, on March 1, 1953, at the dacha in Kuntsevo , Stalin suffered an apoplexy blow , from which he died 4 days later, on March 5 ^[65] . Only at seven in the morning on March 2, the doctors who appeared at the dacha in Kuntsevo began examining the dying Stalin. Precious time was lost, the death of the leader was a foregone conclusion ^[66] . The first bulletin about Stalin’s illness was published on March 4 , where it was falsely reported that Stalin was in his apartment in the Kremlin , although in reality he had been hit at a dacha in Kuntsevo ^[53] . 5 марта опубликовали второй бюллетень , из которого было ясно, что положение пациента безнадежно ^[67] .

6 марта все газеты оповестили о кончине Председателя Совета Министров Союза ССР и Секретаря Центрального Комитета Коммунистической партии Советского Союза Иосифа Виссарионовича Сталина 5 марта в 21 час 50 минут ^[68] .

5 марта 1953 года — соратники Сталина отправляют вождя в отставку за час до его кончины

После инсульта у Сталина первое заседание бюро Президиума ЦК КПСС провели 2 марта в 12 часов в Кунцево. В напряжённые дни 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 марта проходят новые заседания бюро Президиума ЦК КПСС. Маленков явно брал бразды правления в свои руки ^[66] .

В конце дня 5 марта прошло ещё одно заседание. Принятое на нём постановление означало: высшие партийные руководители отважились уже на проведение процедуры передачи власти новому руководителю. По предложению Маленкова и Берии решено было провести предстоящим вечером в Кремле совместное заседание Президиума ЦК КПСС, Совета Министров и Президиума Верховного Совета СССР ^[66] .

В принятом постановлении отмечалось, что «в связи с тяжелой болезнью товарища Сталина, которая влечет за собой более или менее длительное неучастие его в руководящей деятельности, считать на время отсутствия товарища Сталина важнейшей задачей партии и правительства обеспечение бесперебойного и правильного руководства всей жизнью страны…» ^[66] .

Совместное заседание было намечено на 8 часов вечера. Лишь в восемь сорок заседание всё-таки открыли. Заседание было скоротечным: оно продолжалось всего десять минут ^[69] . Его главный итог — Сталин отправлен в отставку с поста главы правительства . Этот пост занял Маленков. Оставить Сталина даже формально в положении высшего правительственного руководителя не пожелали ^{[66] [70]} .

Маленков был одним из главных претендентов на наследство Сталина и, договорившись с Хрущёвым, Берией и другими, занял важнейший в СССР пост — Председатель Совета министров ^[71] . Маленков, Берия и другие считали, что посты в Совете министров гораздо важнее ^[72] .

На том же совместном заседании утвердили новый состав Президиума Центрального Комитета КПСС, куда включили умирающего Сталина ^[65] . Но от обязанностей секретаря ЦК Сталин был освобождён ^{[70] [73]} . Тем самым соратники Сталина не позволили вождю умереть не только главой правительства, но и официальным лидером партии.

В конце заседания Хрущёв объявляет совместное заседание закрытым ^[65] . Через один час после заседания ^[66] умирает Сталин. Хрущёв в своих воспоминаниях неточен, когда говорит, что распределение «портфелей» произвели после смерти Сталина ^[74] .

Газеты опубликуют Постановление Совместного заседания Пленума ЦК, СМ СССР и Президиума ВС СССР лишь 7 марта без указания даты, когда заседание проводилось или какого числа постановление было принято ^[75] . В учебниках истории напишут, что назначение нового руководства страны состоялось 6 марта ^{[5] [65]} , из нового состава Президиума ЦК покойник вычеркнут ^[5] , освобождение Сталина от должностей секретаря ЦК и предсовмина скрыто ^[5] — то есть официально Сталин остался руководителем партии и страны до самой смерти.

Уже 14 марта Маленков был вынужден отказаться от должности секретаря ЦК, передав Хрущёву контроль над партаппаратом ^[71] . Несмотря на то, что Маленков оставил работу в Секретариате ЦК по решению мартовского Пленума ЦК (14 марта 1953), он получил право председательствовать на заседаниях Президиума ЦК ^[76] , как в начале двадцатых годов Ленин ^[48] . Основное соперничество в борьбе за власть Маленков вел с Хрущёвым ^[66] . Существовала договоренность: составлять повестку дня заседаний Президиума ЦК вдвоём — Маленкову и Хрущёву.

Маленков перестал делать ставку на союз с Берией. Отказ от этого союза лишил Маленкова мощной поддержки, способствовал возникновению вокруг него политического вакуума и в конечном счёте содействовал утрате им лидерства. Однако и Маленков, и Хрущёв увидели в Берии возможную третью силу в борьбе за власть. По взаимной договоренности Берию решено было устранить ^[66] .

При фактической власти триумвирата — Маленков, Берия, Хрущёв — последний, пользуясь поддержкой Булганина и Жукова , организовал арест Берии, а позже смог оттеснить Маленкова ^[77] .

В августе 1953 года многим ещё казалось, что именно Маленков выступает в качестве лидера страны. К примеру, на состоявшейся в начале августа Сессии Верховного Совета СССР он выступил с докладом, который был воспринят как программный ^[66] .

Прошёл месяц, и ситуация резко изменилась. Соперник Маленкова — Никита Хрущёв — сделал ставку на реализацию установки высших партийных и государственных органов , принятой ещё 5 марта 1953 года на их совместном заседании в Кремле . Согласно этой установке, Хрущёву предписывалось «сосредоточиться на работе в Центральном Комитете КПСС». Вариант такого «сосредоточения» был найден Хрущёвым безошибочно. По инициативе Хрущёва был учреждён пост Первого секретаря ЦК КПСС, который сам он и занял 7 сентября 1953 года ^[66] .

Полгода, с марта по сентябрь 1953 года, Маленков, заняв пост , принадлежавший Сталину, воспринимался как его непосредственный наследник. Однако Сталин, упразднивший пост Генерального секретаря ЦК партии, не оставил для наследования особой партийной должности и тем самым лишал своих преемников права «автоматически» решать вопрос о лидерстве. Хрущёв же, добившись введения аналогичного по значимости поста, пришёл к искомой цели, возродив сталинскую постановку вопроса: партийный лидер является лидером страны ^[66] .

Пост Первого секретаря ЦК КПСС

Во время сентябрьского Пленума ЦК , в перерыве между заседаниями пленума, Маленков неожиданно обратился к членам Президиума с предложением избрать на этом же пленуме Хрущёва Первым секретарём ЦК . Это предложение Булганин с энтузиазмом поддержал. Остальные отнеслись к предложению сдержанно. То обстоятельство, что главного руководителя страны Маленкова спровоцировали ^[78] внести такое предложение, способствовало его поддержке другими членами Президиума ^[79] . Такое решение и было предложено на пленуме. Буквально в последние минуты работы, без какого-либо обсуждения ^[80] , мимоходом, единодушно избрали Н. С. Хрущёва первым секретарём партии ^[81] .

Создание этого поста означало фактическое возрождение поста Генерального секретаря. Пост Первого секретаря, так же как и в двадцатые годы пост Генерального секретаря, не был предусмотрен уставом партии ^[79] . Учреждение поста Первого секретаря в сентябре 1953 года означало также отказ от принципа коллективного руководства, принятое всего шесть месяцев назад на мартовском Пленуме ЦК ^[81] .

Having received the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee, Khrushchev did not immediately take the place corresponding to his leading position in the hierarchy of state structures ^[82] . Political power was divided between the First Secretary and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR , supported by the conservative wing of the Communists ^[83] . And the leader of the country could suit, according to the then ideas, the post of head of government . Both Lenin and Stalin held such a post. Khrushchev and he received it, but not immediately, but four and a half years after the September Plenum of 1953 ^[82] .

After September 1953, Malenkov was still trying to share the palm with Khrushchev, but he did not succeed. Malenkov then served as chairman of the Council of Ministers for less than a year and a half. It was the sunset time of his political career ^[66] .

First attempt to remove Khrushchev from power (June 1957)

In June 1957 , the first attempt was made to dismiss Khrushchev with a group of Stalinists : Malenkov , Molotov , Kaganovich and others ^[72] . At a four-day meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee, 7 members ^{[84] of the} Presidium voted to relieve Khrushchev of the duties of the First Secretary of the Central Committee ^[85] . They accused Khrushchev of voluntarism and discrediting the party ^[86] , after the removal they thought he would be appointed Minister of Agriculture ^[87] .

The post of the First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee was supposed to be abolished. According to Malenkov , at the meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee, the head of the Council of Ministers should have presided over, in the opinion of Saburov and Pervukhin , all members of the Presidium took turns ^[87] . The old Stalinist guard considered Vyacheslav Molotov as a candidate for the post of party leader ^[85] .

June 18, 1957 - The Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee decided to remove N. S. Khrushchev from the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee ^[88] .

Presovmin Bulganin ordered the Minister of the Interior to send encrypted telegrams to the regional committees and republican Central Committees on the decision of the Presidium of the Central Committee, and ordered TASS and the State Committee on Radio and Television to report this to the media . However, they did not comply with these orders, since Khrushchev had already managed to take measures to ensure that the Central Committee secretariat actually took control of the country. While the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee was in progress, the employees of the Central Committee secretariat began to notify the members of the Central Committee loyal to Khrushchev and assemble them to repulse the Presidium, and at this time, on the pretext that all members of the Presidium of the Central Committee should be gathered, Mikoyan secured the continuation of the Presidium meeting the next day ^[89] .

Khrushchev could use well-armed KGB units against rebels from the Presidium in the event of neutrality of Marshal Zhukov . If in June 1953 Malenkov and Khrushchev feared that Beria would use armed people from the Ministry of Internal Affairs against them, now Malenkov and his allies could fear that KGB chairman Serov and his people would intercede for Khrushchev. At the same time, the warring parties were looking for Zhukov’s support. His position was significantly different from what he occupied in June 1953 . Then he obediently carried out the commands of higher superiors, which for him were Bulganin and Malenkov . Now he was a candidate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee and Minister of Defense . In a situation of temporary diarchy, Zhukov felt the dependence of the fighting groups on him. Ultimately, Zhukov took the side of Khrushchev ^[89] .

Before the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee, again continued on June 19 , Khrushchev held a meeting with those who were on his side. Zhukov told Khrushchev: "I will arrest them, everything is ready for me." Furtseva supported Zhukov : "That's right, we need to remove them." Suslov and Mukhitdinov were against. At the same time, the secretariat secretly organized a call from the Central Committee Presidium to members of the Central Committee who were outside the capital to Moscow. They were delivered to Moscow by air force aircraft . By June 19, several dozen members and candidates for membership in the Central Committee had gathered in Moscow. The actions of these people were coordinated by Furtsev and Ignatov . They formed a delegation of 20 people for negotiations with members of the Presidium of the Central Committee ^[89] .

Zhukov announced at a meeting of the Presidium of his intention to act as the leader of the rebel armed forces of the country . Zhukov’s threats, the active assistance of other power ministers, the sabotage of TASS and the State Television and Radio Broadcasting , the pressure of the Central Committee members — exerted their influence on the members of the Presidium . On June 20 and 21, the meeting of the Presidium was continued. The discussion was extremely acute. K. Ye. Voroshilov complained that this had not happened in all the time he worked in the Politburo . Unable to withstand the passions, Brezhnev lost consciousness ^[90] and he was taken out of the courtroom. The members of the Central Committee, gathered in the Sverdlovsk Hall , achieved the convocation of a plenum ^[89] .

On June 22, 1957, the Central Committee plenum opened, at which Suslov , Khrushchev and others sought to lay the main blame on three - Malenkov , Kaganovich and Molotov , so that the fact that most members of the Presidium of the Central Committee opposed Khrushchev was not too evident. It immediately became clear that the speaker’s ratings received support in the hall ^[89] .

The plenum lasted eight days, from June 22 to 29 . The resolution of the plenum (published only on July 4 ) “On the anti-party group of G. Malenkov, M. M. Kaganovich , V. M. Molotov ” was adopted unanimously, with one abstention ( V. M. Molotov ). At the plenum, Molotov , Malenkov , Kaganovich, and Shepilov ^[91] were expelled from the Central Committee. Khrushchev repeatedly emphasized that all four were not arrested and shot, and in this he saw his own merit. He was silent that his opponents also did not offer to arrest him and did not even intend to expel him from the Presidium of the Central Committee ^[89] .

The events of 1957 in June showed that the fate of the country's top party leadership depended to a large extent on the position of the leadership of the USSR armed forces in the person of Defense Minister G.K. Zhukov. Khrushchev remembered and often repeated Zhukov’s words that without his order the tanks would not budge. In the midst of the June political battles, Zhukov uttered a phrase against Khrushchev’s opponents that it was enough for him to appeal to the people and everyone would support him ^[89] . Zhukov's careless statement caused four months later that the marshal was accused of bonapartism and self-praise and relieved of his post of Minister of Defense of the USSR ^[92] .

In 1958, Khrushchev's position was strengthened after he began to combine the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR with the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee . As in the days of Stalin , the combination of the posts of head of government and the Communist Party led to the concentration of party and state executive power in the same hands, however, unlike Stalin, Khrushchev tried to avoid the use of measures to destroy and imprison his political opponents ^[77] .

The removal of Khrushchev from power (October 1964)

In the first 9 months of 1964, Khrushchev spent 150 days outside of Moscow ^[93] . The stay of Khrushchev and his many assistants outside of Moscow only facilitated the preparation of a conspiracy against him ^[89] . Brezhnev conducted practical work on organizing the dismissal of Khrushchev, personally talked on this issue with each member and candidate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee ^[94] . As Semichastny testifies, Brezhnev in the spring of 1964 began to insist on the physical elimination of Khrushchev. In this case, one could avoid explaining the reasons for his removal from power. Brezhnev began to express these proposals during the trip of Khrushchev to Egypt ^[95] . Sevenfold and Shelepin realized that Brezhnev and his allies wanted to commit a crime with the wrong hands. Former Komsomol leaders unraveled the insidiousness of Brezhnev and his accomplices. After all, the latter could blame Khrushchev’s murder on Shelepin and Semichastny , and then, quickly eliminating them, announce the country 's salvation from the sinister conspirators who killed Khrushchev and prepared the assassination of other members of the Presidium of the Central Committee ^[89] .

October 13, 1964 at 16:00 in the Kremlin office of the First Secretary began a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee. The conspirators did not repeat the mistakes of Malenkov , Bulganin and others in 1957 - now the conspirators could rely on the full support of the KGB ^[96] , the Ministry of Defense, and a large part of the members of the Central Committee. Voronov was the first to propose dismissing Khrushchev. The meeting lasted until 8 pm. The head of government was presented with an impressive list of charges: from the collapse of agriculture and the purchase of grain abroad to the publication in print over two years of more than a thousand of his photographs ^[97] . The next day, the meeting was continued ^[98] . In his speech, Kosygin suggested introducing the post of second secretary. Brezhnev , turning to Khrushchev , said: “I have been with you since the 38th year. In the year 57, he fought for you. I can’t enter into a deal with my conscience ... Release Khrushchev from his posts, divide the posts ” ^[89] .

At the end of the meeting, Khrushchev spoke. In his speech, he said: “I fought with you against the anti-Party group . I appreciate your honesty ... I tried not to have two posts, but you gave me these two posts! ... Leaving the stage, I repeat: I am not going to fight with you ... I am now worried and rejoice, since the time has come when the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee began to control the activities of the First Secretary of the Central Committee and speak in full voice ... Am I a “ cult ”? You have smeared me all over ..., and I say: “Right.” Is this a cult ?! Today’s meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee is the victory of the party ... I thank you for the opportunity to resign. Please write a statement for me, and I will sign it. I am ready to do everything in the name of the interests of the party .... I thought that maybe you would consider it possible to establish some kind of honorary post. But I do not ask you about it. Where do I live, decide for yourself. I am ready, if necessary, to go anywhere. Thanks again for the criticism, for working together over the years and for your willingness to give me the opportunity to resign ” ^[89] .

By a decision of the Presidium, they prepared a statement on behalf of Khrushchev requesting his resignation. Khrushchev signed it. Then Brezhnev proposed the election of Nikolai Podgorny as First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, but he began to refuse and offered Leonid Brezhnev to this post. This decision has been made. It was also decided to recommend Alexei Kosygin ^[89] for the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR .

At the Central Committee Plenum held on the evening of October 14 in the Sverdlovsk Hall of the Kremlin , Suslov made a two-hour report summarizing the accusations ^[99] against Khrushchev put forward at a meeting of the Central Committee Presidium. Demands were heard at the plenum : “Expel him from the party !”, “Under his trial!” Khrushchev sat motionless, clutching his face in his hands. Suslov read out a statement from Khrushchev asking for his resignation, as well as a draft resolution that stated that Khrushchev was being dismissed from his posts for health reasons. Then, a unanimous decision was made on the resignation of Khrushchev ^{[89] [100]} .

Unlike Molotov , Kaganovich , Malenkov and others, Khrushchev was not expelled from the party ^[89] . As part of the Central Committee, he remained until the next congress ( 1966 ) ^[72] . He was left with many material goods ^[101] , which belonged to the Soviet leaders ^[89] .

At the Plenum of the Central Committee on October 14, 1964, Brezhnev was elected First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee ^[94] . At the XXIII Congress of the CPSU , held in 1966, amendments to the Charter of the CPSU were adopted. The post of “Secretary General” was entered into the Charter , this post was taken by L. I. Brezhnev . At the same time, the name " Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee " was replaced by the " Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee " that existed since 1952 .

In 1974, there was a sharp deterioration in the health of Brezhnev, and in 1976 he suffered a severe stroke . Speech became slurred due to problems with prosthetics . There were sclerotic phenomena , gait hardness, fatigue. Without the written text, he could not speak not only in large audiences , but also at meetings of the Politburo ^[94] . Brezhnev was aware of the degree of weakening of his capabilities, he was tormented by this situation. He twice raised the question of his resignation, but all the influential members of the Politburo were against it. In April 1979, he again talked about his desire to retire, but the Politburo , having discussed the issue, called for him to continue his work ^[94] .

On the eve of the XXV Party Congress, the inner circle of Brezhnev’s supporters feared that, taking advantage of the deterioration in the health of the Secretary General, Podgorny might make a claim to the post of party leader ^[102] . Although this did not happen at the congress, in the summer of 1977, healthy Podgorny was nevertheless retired, and the sick secretary general took over as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council . Subsequently, the combination of these two posts will become a tradition that has survived until the collapse of the USSR.

In 1976, Brezhnev saw Grigory Romanov as his successor. The elderly Suslov and Kosygin prepared him for the future administration of the party and the state in their place. To this end, Romanov was introduced into the Politburo of the Central Committee as an equal member. However, with the election in 1979 of 48-year-old Mikhail Gorbachev as a candidate for membership in the Politburo (with the submission of Andropov), and in 1980, as a member of the Politburo, the age advantage of 57-year-old Romanov faded ^[103] .

Dmitry Ustinov had tremendous influence on Brezhnev, but he never claimed a broader, in the sense of political influence, position ^[104] .

According to some reports, Vladimir Shcherbitsky was also considered by Brezhnev as his successor as Secretary General. This version was also confirmed by Grishin , who wrote in his memoirs that Brezhnev wanted to recommend Shcherbitsky to the General Secretary at the next Plenum of the Central Committee, and he himself thought to move to the post of party chairman ^[105] .

As Brezhnev’s disease developed, the triumvirate of Ustinov , Andropov and Gromyko determined the foreign and defense policy of the USSR ^[106] .

The position of the secretary of the Central Committee on ideology in Soviet times was traditionally regarded as the position of the second most important secretary and, in fact, second person in the top leadership. This post for many years under Brezhnev was held by Mikhail Suslov . After his death in January 1982, a struggle broke out for this post in the party leadership. Even then, the rivalry between Andropov and Chernenko was clearly marked. In May 1982, Yuri Andropov was elected to this post. In July 1982, Andropov not only de jure , but de facto became the second person in the party and began to be considered as Brezhnev's likely successor ^[107] . But Brezhnev did not make a final choice regarding his successor, at different times calling either Shcherbitsky or Chernenko ^[106] .

On November 10, 1982, Brezhnev died, and on the same day, having secluded himself, a triumvirate with the participation of the presidential minister Nikolai Tikhonov decided the question of the Secretary General ^[106] . Ustinov knew that Brezhnev’s closest associate, Konstantin Chernenko, had great views of the vacant Secretary General. At an emergency meeting of the Politburo in the evening of November 10, Tikhonov was preparing to propose him for this post. In order to “neutralize” Tikhonov’s possible initiative, Ustinov asked Chernenko himself to propose Andropov’s candidacy for the post of Secretary General. Chernenko came to the conclusion that Ustinov’s initiative hid agreements, which he could hardly resist, and expressed his agreement. The issue was resolved ^[107] . The plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU approved Andropov in this post ^[106] .

September 1, 1983 Andropov led the last meeting of the Politburo in his life. It looked extremely bad. В то время жил уже на искусственной почке . Умер 9 февраля 1984 года от отказа обеих почек ^[106] .

На следующий день после кончины Андропова 10 февраля 1984 года началось внеочередное заседание Политбюро . Как и в ноябре 1982 -го, после смерти Брежнева, заседанию предшествовали неофициальные встречи между членами Политбюро . Все решилось на переговорах четверки: Устинов , Черненко , Громыко , Тихонов ^[108] .

На этих переговорах, к удивлению собравшихся, Андрей Громыко сразу же начал зондировать почву с целью заполучить пост генерального секретаря. Пытаясь предотвратить такое развитие событий, Устинов предложил на этот пост Черненко. Эта кандидатура устроила всех ^[108] .

Кандидатура молодого Горбачёва тогда всерьез не рассматривалась: партийные старейшины резонно опасались, что тот, придя к высшей власти, может быстро распрощаться с ними ^[108] . А сам Горбачёв после смерти Андропова в беседе с Устиновым предложил ему стать генсеком, обещав его поддержать, но Устинов отказался: «Я уже в возрасте и болезней много. Пусть тянет Черненко » ^[104] . Через два месяца Горбачёв займет де-факто позицию второго секретаря ЦК ^[108] .

13 февраля 1984 года Черненко был избран Генеральным секретарем ЦК КПСС. В политике Черненко пытался вернуться после Андропова к брежневскому стилю. Благожелательно отзывался о Сталине, чтил его заслуги, но на реабилитацию не хватило времени ^[109] . Восстановил в партии В. М. Молотова.

С конца 1984 года из-за тяжелого заболевания редко приезжал на работу, в присутственные дни проводил в кабинете не более двух-трёх часов. На работу привозили в больничной коляске. Говорил с трудом ^[109] . Последние месяцы жизни Черненко лежал в больнице, но, когда было нужно, его переодевали, сажали за стол, и он изображал перед телекамерами активную общественно-политическую деятельность ^[110] .

Черненко скончался 10 марта 1985 года . Его похороны на Красной площади состоялись 13 марта , то есть через два дня после смерти. Примечательно, что и Брежнева, и Андропова хоронили через четыре дня после кончины ^[108] .

Михаил Сергеевич Горбачёв — генеральный секретарь ЦК КПСС

После смерти Черненко в марте 1985 года вопрос о новом генсеке был решён быстро. Консультации по этому вопросу прошли сразу же после получения скорбного известия. Известно, что наиболее активно занимался консультациями министр иностранных дел Громыко , настойчиво ратовавший за избрание генсеком Горбачёва ^[111] .

Громыко сыграл ключевую роль в выдвижении Горбачёва на пост Генерального секретаря ЦК, вступив в тайные переговоры с его сторонниками Яковлевым и Примаковым через своего сына, директора Института Африки Ан. А. Громыко . В обмен на поддержку кандидатуры Горбачёва Громыко получил обещание занять пост Председателя Президиума Верховного Совета СССР. 11 марта 1985 года на заседании Политбюро ЦК КПСС, решавшем вопрос о кандидатуре Генерального секретаря вместо умершего Черненко, Громыко предложил избрать Горбачёва. В тот же день с этим предложением, консолидированным со старой гвардией руководителей, он выступил на Пленуме ЦК ^[112] .

Потенциальными соперниками Горбачёва были секретарь ЦК Григорий Романов и первый секретарь Московского горкома партии Виктор Гришин . Однако соперничество с их стороны практически не вышло за рамки предварительных консультаций ^[111] . Щербицкий был единственным членом Политбюро, не присутствовавшим 11 марта на заседании Политбюро, обсуждавшем кандидатуру нового генсека, в связи с пребыванием в США ^[105] . Через три месяца после избрания Горбачёва генсеком Романов был отправлен на пенсию «в связи с состоянием здоровья» ^[103] .

Избрание Михаила Горбачёва Председателем ВС СССР

Первые три с половиной года своего пребывания у власти Горбачёв ограничивал свои амбиции лидера постом генерального секретаря ЦК КПСС. Однако осенью 1988 -го он вслед за Брежневым, Андроповым и Черненко решил совместить высший партийный пост с высшим государственным. Для реализации этого замысла срочно был отправлен на пенсию Громыко , являвшийся с июля 1985 года председателем Президиума Верховного Совета СССР ^[111] .

В марте 1990 года Горбачёв на Пленуме ЦК КПСС выступил с предложением об исключении из Конституции СССР 6-й и 7-й статей о руководящей роли партии в жизни советского общества ^[113] . Пост президента СССР в марте 1990 года вводился под Горбачёва и явился, если так можно выразиться, знаковым: его учреждение ознаменовало крупные преобразования в политической системе, связанные, прежде всего, с отказом от конституционного признания руководящей роли КПСС в стране ^[111] .

XXVIII съезд КПСС (июль 1990) установил, что генеральный секретарь избирается непосредственно съездом, а не пленумом ЦК КПСС, как это было ранее.

Должность заместителя Генерального секретаря

В 1990 — 1991 гг. существовала должность заместителя Генерального секретаря ЦК КПСС . Единственным человеком, занимавшим этот пост, был В. А. Ивашко , который теоретически замещал Генерального секретаря. В ходе событий августа 1991 г. заместитель Генерального секретаря ЦК КПСС был фактически лишён возможности исполнять обязанности ^[114] находившегося в Форосе под домашним арестом Горбачёва, не проявив себя никакими действиями ^[115] .

Запрет КПСС и упразднение поста генсека

События 19—21 августа 1991 года закончились провалом и самороспуском ГКЧП , и эти события предопределили запрет КПСС ^[116] .

23 августа 1991 года до обеда Горбачёв выступил на сессии Верховного Совета РСФСР , где встретил холодный приём ^[117] . Несмотря на его возражения, Президент РСФСР Борис Ельцин прямо в зале подписал Указ о приостановлении деятельности Коммунистической партии РСФСР ^[118] . Этот указ воспринимался как указ о роспуске организационных структур КПСС ^{[117] [119]} .

В тот же день, в соответствии с решением Президента СССР , Генерального секретаря ЦК КПСС Горбачёва и на основании распоряжения мэра Москвы Попова , с 15 часов была прекращена работа в зданиях ЦК КПСС ^[120] и весь комплекс зданий ЦК КПСС был опечатан. По мнению Роя Медведева , именно эта резолюция, а не указ Ельцина , в котором речь шла только о Компартии РСФСР , позволила начать разгром центральных органов КПСС ^[116] .

24 августа Михаил Горбачёв сложил с себя обязанности генерального секретаря ЦК КПСС ^[121] .

В тот же день Горбачёв в качестве Президента СССР подписал Указ , где указано: « Советам народных депутатов взять под охрану имущество КПСС» ^[122] .

25 августа всё принадлежащее КПСС имущество было объявлено государственной собственностью РСФСР ^[123] . Указ начинается словами: «В связи с роспуском ЦК КПСС…».

29 августа Верховный Совет СССР своим постановлением приостановил деятельность КПСС на всей территории СССР ^[124] , а президент РСФСР своим указом от 6 ноября 1991 года окончательно прекратил деятельность КПСС и её российской республиканской организации — КП РСФСР на территории республики ^[125] . Но 30 ноября 1992 года Конституционный Суд РСФСР признал неконституционным роспуск первичных организаций КПСС — КП РСФСР ^[126] .

Партийные лидеры, как правило, занимали дополнительно и один из высших государственных постов. Ленин (с 1917 года), Сталин (с 1941 года) и Хрущёв (с 1958 года) возглавляли правительство — Совет народных комиссаров, позднее переименованный в Совет Министров. Сталин, совмещая партийную и государственную должность, в печати и официальных документах чаще выступал в «государственном» качестве. Сталин был избран генеральным секретарём ЦК 3 апреля 1922 года, оставаясь на этом посту до октября 1952. После октябрьского пленума ЦК Сталин стал лишь одним из секретарей партии, сохранив за собой должность Председателя Совета Министров СССР, должность же генерального секретаря упразднялась. ^[127] Формальный пост лидера партии (которая в октябре 1952 года была переименована из ВКП(б) в КПСС) был восстановлен лишь в 1953 году, спустя полгода после смерти Сталина. На этот пост был избран Хрущёв, фактически возглавивший партийный аппарат ещё в марте, но до сентября 1953 на заседаниях Президиума ЦК КПСС председательствовал не он, а Георгий Маленков , возглавлявший Совет министров ^[128] . Именно Маленкова многие источники считают фактическим руководителем СССР в тот момент. В дальнейшем Маленков утратил свои позиции в борьбе с Хрущевым, и с тех пор именно лицо, занимавшее пост Первого секретаря ЦК КПСС (впоследствии пост был снова переименован в Генерального секретаря), и являлось политическим лидером СССР.
Традиция совмещения руководства партией с самой высшей государственной должностью началась со второй половины правления Брежнева, который летом 1977 года стал Председателем Президиума Верховного Совета. Такой же пост занимали Андропов и Черненко. Горбачёв же стал формальным главой государства ^{[К 1]} только спустя три с половиной года после избрания генсеком. После введения поста Президента СССР Горбачёв предпочитал упоминание именно этой должности, посту генерального секретаря.

• Правители Российского государства
• Список руководителей Советского Союза

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