Era of Vargas

Great Depression in Brazil

The rebellion of the lieutenants , which broke out in 1922 during the period of the Oligarchic Republic , did not lead to significant changes in the social structure of Brazil. However, the ruling Paulist coffee oligarchy could not withstand the acute crisis of world capitalism in 1929 . Such sensitivity of Brazil to the Great Depression was explained by the great dependence of the country's economy on foreign markets and loans. Despite limited industrial development in São Paulo , the export of coffee and other unprocessed products was still the backbone of the economy. After the US stock exchanges crashed on October 29, 1929 ( Black Tuesday ), coffee prices unexpectedly fell by 30%. A further decline in prices was even more acute: in the period from 1929 to 1931, coffee fell in price from 22.5 to 8 cents per pound. World trade declined sharply, and coffee exporters suffered significant revenue losses in foreign currencies. The Great Depression may have affected Brazil more than the United States.

The collapse of the Brazilian government was closely linked to the collapse of the Brazilian valorization (price support) program, which underpinned the support of the oligarchy. Coffee plantation has become dangerously dependent on government valorization. For example, due to the recession that occurred after the First World War , the government did not spend the funds necessary to support the coffee industry. But in the period 1929-1930, global demand for Brazilian primary products fell much more, leaving no opportunity to maintain state budget revenues. At the end of 1930, Brazil's gold reserves were depleted, which further pushed the exchange rate down. As a result, the program to maintain coffee prices by buying up surpluses completely failed.

The Washington government of Louis was not able to find a way out of this situation, as a result, coffee manufacturers came across the inability to sell the crop. Due to the fact that power was based on patronage , a widespread violation of the delicate balance of regional interests made the Washington Louis regime very vulnerable. Government policies defended the interests of foreigners who also suffered from the crisis, provoking a hostile attitude from almost all sectors of Brazilian society. Following the panic on Wall Street , the government tried to satisfy foreign creditors with the support of money convertibility, which was offered by foreign bankers and economists, despite the lack of support for this idea in Brazilian society. Despite the capital flight, Washington Luis adhered to a tight exchange rate policy, guaranteeing the convertibility of the Brazilian currency to gold, but as soon as the gold reserves were exhausted, the government was forced to temporarily suspend the convertibility of the currency, which led to a complete halt in foreign lending.

Reasons for the 1930 Revolution

In addition to the depression and the emergence of the bourgeoisie, the historical dynamics of interregional politics was a significant political factor. It was the imbalance that led to the creation of the alliance that Jetulio Vargas created between the new urban bourgeoisie and landowners who were hostile to the government in all states except São Paulo in 1930.

Together with urban bourgeois groups, the Northwest sugar barons have long suffered harassment from the coffee oligarchs of the South. Northwest landowners have been keenly protesting Washington's cessation of its predecessor's anti-drought programs by Washington in 1930. This tension has been going on for many years. The decline of the sugar oligarchy of the Northeast began with the fierce drought of 1877. The rapid growth in coffee production in São Paulo was the flip side of the same coin. After the abolition of slavery in 1888 ( Golden Law ) in Brazil, there was a massive migration of emancipated slaves and peasants from the Northeast to Southeast, providing a steady supply of cheap labor for coffee plantation workers.

The policy of the Old Republic , which was jokingly called " coffee with milk " ( port. Café com leite ), was based on the advantage in politics of the southeastern states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais , which were the richest and most populous states of Brazil. For most of the Old Republic, the governors of these states alternated as presidents of the country.

Due to dissatisfaction with the ruling regime in the Southeast and Rio Grande do Sul , the 1930 presidential candidate and opposition leader of the Liberal Alliance, Zetuliu Vargas, chose Juan Pesoa from the north-eastern state of Paraiba as his 1930 vice president. Realizing that in this case, with the victory of the Liberal Alliance, the power of landowners in rural areas will become absolute, the northeastern oligarchs united under the leadership of Vargas in a new political party, PSD.

Vargas's Career Before the Revolution

The governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil's southernmost state, Vargas was a gaucho (owner of a cattle ranch ), and had a doctorate in law. In 1930, he became the presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance.

Vargas was a representative of the landowner oligarchy, and rose high in politics thanks to the patronage system, but had a fresh vision of how Brazilian politics should develop in order to support national development. He was an economic nationalist who supported industrial development and liberal reforms.

Vargas also understood that with the breakdown of direct relations between workers and owners of expanding Brazilian enterprises, workers could become the basis for a new form of political power - populism . It was by applying this approach that he gradually established such power over the country's policy, which allowed him to remain a dictator for fifteen years. Due to the growing problems of the agricultural coffee oligarchy, the new owners of industrial enterprises gained a greater influence on Brazilian politics, even the middle class began to show a certain strength. Although Vargas depended on support for the 1922 Lieutenant Uprising during his early political career, he later received significant urban support.

1930 Revolution

The power crisis began in early 1930, when President Washington announced the successor of São Paulo state governor Julio Prestis as his heir, which contradicted the coffee and milk policy, according to which the Governor of Minas Gerais Antonio Carlos Ribeiro di Andrada should become a candidate for power. After this, Antoniu Carlus, who is called the architect of the revolution, joined the opposition Liberal Alliance Vargas. The elections held on March 1, 1930, were easy for the authorities: Juliu Prestis won with 1,091 thousand votes against 742 thousand votes for Vargas.

However, this victory was not recognized by the Liberal Alliance, which accused the government of rigging the election results. In addition, the Alliance declared its victory and began preparations for an armed confrontation with the government, relying on loyal governors and junior army officers. The situation in the country worsened significantly when Vice Presidential candidate Juan Pesoa was killed on July 26 in Recife ( Pernambuco State). Although the reasons for the murder were not clarified, it led to mass protests against the authorities. The mobilization of forces loyal to the Alliance began, mainly under the leadership of junior officers.

About two months before the end of Washington’s powers as Louis Luis (November 15), mass anti-government protests intensified significantly, with casualties in the north-east of the country. By October 3, 8 state governors loyal to the government were overthrown. On October 10, Jetulio Vargas, at the head of his supporters, took the train to Rio de Janeiro , the capital of the country. In an attempt to stop him, government forces tried to block the roads, as a result of October 12-13, in Quatigvi, on the border of the states of São Paulo and Paraná , armed clashes with the revolutionary forces took place. A big battle could have taken place in Itarare, but it was prevented by the actual collapse of the government when, on October 24, Generals Augusto Tas Fragoz and Men Barreto and Admiral Isaias di Noronha created a military junta. Getulio Vargas arrived in the capital a week after these events and officially took over as interim president on November 3, 1930 .

Vargas first presidency

The revolution of 1930 was the result of a coalition of Brazilian industrial magnates, the urban population, part of the landowners and the army. Throughout 1930-1934, Vargas tried to reconcile the very different interests of these groups with the help of social reformism and the introduction of a social security program. His reforms closely resembled The New Deal by US President Franklin Roosevelt , so he even proudly called Vargas "one of the two authors of the New Deal." Vargas sought to get Brazil out of the Great Depression through a government intervention policy. He gained the sympathy of the new urban bourgeoisie with the help of the new for Brazil mass ideologies of populism and nationalism. Like Franklin Roosevelt, his first steps were focused on economic incentives, a program with which all coalition factions agreed.

Vargas pursued a policy of state intervention in the economy, using tax incentives, reducing requirements for producers and import quotas to expand local industrial production. He publicly idealized the middle class and convinced the population of the "unpatriotic use of foreign goods." Throughout the earliest period of rule, Vargas depended heavily on the support of the lower classes. His policy was somewhat reminiscent of Mussolini 's policy in fascist Italy , with an increased share of populism. Vargas sought to mediate in the contradiction between labor and capital. For example, the president stopped the strike of women workers in São Paulo, approved many of their requirements in law, and demanded “factory commissions” to seek government mediation in the future.

The opposition existed primarily among the powerful Pauli coffee oligarchy, which opposed the policy of state intervention in the economy and increased centralization of power, against its populist and pro-fascist position, protectionism (protecting politically loyal producers at the expense of others) and strengthening the dictatorial position of Vargas himself. His policy was often not holistic; various events were united only by the general and poorly designated idea of ​​“modernization”. Attempts to balance between too different groups according to their social, political and economic interests explain the constant changes in the alliances and ideologies of Vargas. Together with the liberal basis of this regime, they explain its gradual transition to a dictatorship built on the model of European fascism.

Relations with the Sugar Barons

Satisfaction of the coalition's landowning wing soon revealed the reactionary nature of the government, especially after 1934 . To support friendly latifundists, the state not only did not intervene in the affairs of rural oligarchs, but even helped sugar barons consolidate control over rural Brazil.

Vargas's conservatism in agricultural affairs exacerbated the split between the impoverished semi-feudal Northwest and the dynamic urbanized Southeast. In response to the support of the sugar barons, the state suppressed a wave of peasant uprisings in the Northeast, known as cangaço , which led to the revival of the latifundia, which gradually disappeared from the 1870s. Throughout the Old Republic, latifundia decomposed from within as a result of the outflow of the population and peasant uprisings. In the past, during the reign of Pedro II (1831–1889), the peasantry remained completely subordinate to the landowners. Each planter had its own police force, which was responsible for maintaining order within its borders and controlling the peasants.

But the peasants were not dependent, and the semi-gang formations were a common form of protest. Anarchist uprisings and tax evasion were common among the peasants, which was common practice until 1930. With the inclusion of the Northeast oligarchy in the ruling coalition, the government focused on agricultural restructuring. In fact, the state fought more and more fiercely with the Kangasiers, restoring order and power to the planters.

Vargas not only did not keep his campaign promises to reform agriculture, but completely deprived the peasants, most of whom were of Indian origin, the opportunity to obtain working class rights, similar to the policies of Mussolini , Franco , Salazar or Stalin .

Thus, the satisfaction of the interests of landowners led to changes in the ruling coalition, ignoring the interests of its left wing. After mid-1932, the influence of junior officers on Vargas quickly waned, although some members of the group still held important government posts. From this time, the coalition's shift to the right becomes noticeable.

Rebellion in Sao Paulo

An important role in changing the course of the Vargas government was played by the uprising in Sao Paulo in 1932 , the so-called “Constitutionalist Revolution”, which was followed by a coffee oligarchy trying to regain power. The reason for the uprising was the appointment by Vargas of a left-wing officer, Juan Alberto , interim governor (the so-called "interventionist") of Sao Paulo, instead of the chosen governor. Coffee magnates could not come to terms with Alberta’s candidacy, not accepting his efforts to centralize and implement economic reforms, such as increasing taxes by 5 percent and distributing part of the land to the participants of the revolution. Under the threat of rebellion, Vargas replaced Juan Alberta with civilian paulista, appointing a banker from São Paulo as Minister of Finance and announcing the date for the foundation fees. But this only encouraged the coffee oligarchs, who continued to prepare for the uprising.

Among the civilian population of São Paulo there was no unequivocal opinion regarding the uprising, and numerous rallies were held on the streets of the cities, both in support and against Vargas. During one such rally in the city of Sao Paulo on May 23, 1932, five young Paulists were killed by supporters of the government, which suddenly caused a wave of protests. Already on July 9, armed clashes between volunteer detachments and government forces began; detachments from Minas Gerais, Mato Grosso and other states came to the aid of the Paulists. The Paulist army numbered about 3 thousand soldiers, 10 thousand police officers and about 20 thousand volunteers, its plans included the capture of Rio de Janeiro. But the uprising did not last long, the rebel army was stopped at the Paraiba Valley and until October 2 the uprising was crushed.

Consequences of the rebellion

Until 1934, the Vargas regime came to a form that was hybrid between the fascist regime of Mussolini in Italy and the “ New State ” of Salazar in Portugal . Vargas gradually departed from the idea of ​​an “interim government”, abandoned liberal capitalism and social reformism, which were the basis of the left wing (wing of junior officers) of the Liberal Alliance. The rejection of the left wing of the coalition was manifested to the greatest extent in the refusal to carry out the promised land reform.

Vargas supported the plantation wing of the coalition to the greatest extent and, despite an attempted rebellion, was determined to create a new alliance with the coffee oligarchy of São Paulo. Vargas freed the coffee planters, who still had a significant impact on the elected state machine, from a significant portion of bank debt, which helped them recover from the collapse of the valorization program. To make peace with his opponents after an unsuccessful uprising, he even ordered the Bank of Brazil to accept debt issued by the rebel government.

1934 Constitution

Vargas's presidential term was due to end in November 1934, and the current Brazilian constitution did not allow for re-election. To continue his term, Vargas agreed to the adoption of a new constitution, hoping in this way to get the opportunity to run again. This constitution was adopted by popular vote on July 16, 1934. As it became clear several years later, Vargas simply gathered forces to destroy democratic institutions and establish a fascist dictatorial regime.

Surprisingly, the vote for this constitution was the most democratic in all of Brazil's early history. Despite its fragility, this constitution was first written from scratch by elected representatives of the people in practically fair multi-party elections. As a result of this, it contained a number of improvements in political, social and economic life, for example, the independence of the judiciary , the provision of electoral rights to women, the creation of branches of the judiciary to control elections and labor relations, the proclamation of freedom of speech , religion , movement and rallies . On the other hand, it should be noted that the constitution also contained some elements of European fascism, it gave Vargas control over the labor unions and deprived some of the rights of junior officers.

Many provisions of the new constitution have never been put into practice. After 1934, the regime became very reactionary and was characterized by almost complete suppression of the opposition, which made it impossible to fulfill many of the requirements of the constitution.

Labor Relations and the Transition to Dictatorship

The Vargas regime was increasingly threatened by pro-communist groups that sought an alliance with the peasantry of most of the wealthy states, supporting land reform. Despite the populist nickname "father of the poor," Getuliu Vargas gave all power to the peripheral states of the land oligarchy, which did not meet popular expectations.

His further advancement in meeting the demands of the latifundists led Vargas to an alliance with the integralists ( Ação Integralista Brasileira , abbreviated AIB), a paramilitary fascist movement. This alliance contributed to a marked increase in the role of the movement, which quickly turned into an important political force in Brazil. After 1934, control over public organizations and trade unions also begins through the creation of fictitious organizations of this kind, state mediation and the unification of organizations.

Despite the forceful suppression of any organization of the peasant poor, the demands of land reform were becoming louder. New pro-communist alliances between peasants, junior officers and a still small layer of the urban proletariat were gaining strength. Since they could potentially attract the overwhelming majority of the country's population, such unions seriously threatened the Vargas regime.

Communist-fascist confrontation

Continued trends suggested an atmosphere conducive to ideological extremism, especially in Southeast Brazil. These trends were based on the rapid development of industry in the Southeast and constant class conflicts, which created the conditions for the growth of mass movements of the European type. The Brazilian Communist Party was founded in 1922 , and the number of strikes organized by it increased during the 1920s. The great depression that accompanied Vargas's rise to power in the wake of disappointment with the conservative system of the previous period greatly strengthened the left parties and provoked calls for social reform.

With the suppression of the reactionary paulist uprising and the gradual mobilization of a new potential enemy - the urban proletariat - the main focus of Vargas's policy was to gain control of the working class. Supporters of Vargas, both in urban and rural Brazil, as well as in fascist European countries, began to see the growing organization of the working class as a threat to their interests. With the complete destruction of Kangasu in the Northeast, all segments of the ruling class - both the new bourgeoisie and the land oligarchs - began to see the role of the main enemy as the growth of the trade union movement in a more urbanized and more European (both by origin and ideology) South- east.

By 1934, two extremely ideological mass movements of the European type were formed in Brazil, which swept the whole country: one pro-fascist, associated with the ideology of Rome and Berlin, the other - pro-communist, associated with Moscow. The first movement was represented primarily by the already mentioned Integralist Movement ( AIB ), and the second was the left popular front Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). After the collapse of the Vargas alliance with labor, the main cities of Brazil turned into battlefields between communist and fascist forces, which reminded Berlin of 1932-33. By mid-1935, this led to a significant destabilization of all political life in the country.

The left bloc ANL was created at the beginning of 1935 from socialists, communists and other progressive figures, under the leadership of the Communist Party and its leader Luis Carlos Prestes , known as the “Knight of Hope” of the lieutenants uprising (although he was not yet a communist at that time). A harbinger of Che Guevara , Prestes led the legendary but useless Long March through a Brazilian province while participating in a failed 1922 lieutenant uprising against coffee oligarchs. This experience, by contrast, left Prestes skeptical of revolutionary political methods of struggle, and later led to the separation of the Maoist part of the party, which was determined to fight, from its conservative Marxist-Leninist part.

The fascist integralist movement AIB was founded in early 1933 by its unchanging leader Plinio Salgado . From the very beginning, the integralists used Nazi symbols, Roman greeting and all other visible elements of European fascism. AIB was a paramilitary organization that was known for street demonstrations and aggressive rhetoric and was directly funded by the Italian embassy. Integralists borrowed propaganda slogans directly from Nazi literature, including attacks on communists, liberals and Jews and support for fanatical nationalism (which did not exist in a heterogeneous and tolerant country) and “Christian morality”. Just like the European fascists, it was, in fact, a petty-bourgeois organization. In particular, they had the support of officers, especially in the Navy.

The confrontation ended in connection with the active intervention of the government, which fully supported the fascist side in the conflict. In the so-called "State Security Act", adopted in March 1935, the federal parliament branded the entire left opposition as "unconstructive," which allowed Vargas to ban ANL. В результате этого в ноябре того же года, хотя и очень неохотно, альянс начал вооружённое восстание . Авторитарный режим, также как и фашистские режимы Европы, ответил арестами и казнями левых лидеров и государственным террором.

До конца года альянс и коммунистическая партия были полностью разгромлены, а интегралисты заняли лидирующие позиции в государственной политике. AIB начала быстро наращивать число членов по всей Бразилии, особенно на Юге, где было значительное число бразильцев немецкого происхождения. В 1938 году интегралисты предприняли вооружённый мятеж, который был подавлен полицией.

Во главе репрессивного аппарата режима стоял начальник полиции и ДОПС Рио-де-Жанейро Филинто Мюллер . Он придерживался взглядов, близких к интегрализму, однако жёстко подавлял любые выступления против Варгаса, будь то коммунистические или фашистские. Важную роль в силовых структурах играли младший брат президента Бенжамин Варгас (куратор органов безопасности) и главный телохранитель Грегорио Фортунато (с 1938 года — начальник президентской охраны).

Централизация и корпоративизм

Начиная с 1935 года политика профашистского правительства страны преследовала две главные цели: стимулирование промышленного роста (под лозунгами национализма) и подчинение рабочего класса. Правительство реализовало идеи корпоративизма , заложенные в конституции 1934 года, которые должны были объединить все слои населения, как в фашистской Италии. На практике это означало ослабление организованной рабочей силы и получение полного контроля над рабочим классом. При этом рост промышленности и урбанизация увеличивала роль рабочего класса, приводя к необходимости объединения его в альянс. Варгас, как и несколько позднее Хуан Перон в соседней Аргентине , следовали стратегии Муссолини , объединяя рабочий класс под лозунгами национализма.

Согласно конституции 1934 года усиливалась централизация власти в стране в Рио-де-Жанейро и решительно ограничивалась автономия штатов. По сути центральная роль паулистской кофейной олигархии была заменена системой, где интересы землевладельцев все ещё учитывались, но была создана экономическая основа, необходимая для развития нового промышленного сектора.

Конституция также давала Палате Депутатов право контроля над частным сектором экономики, который использовался для индустриализации страны и снижения иностранной зависимости. Промышленность страны была организована в государственные синдикаты, которые состояли из бизнес-структур, которые находились в частной собственности бразильцев. Таким образом государство обеспечивало прямой механизм планирования и прямых инвестиций в важнейшие отрасли промышленности. Государственные и частично государственные компании доминировали в тяжёлой и инфраструктурной промышленности, а частный бразильский капитал преобладал в производстве, но на протяжении 1930-х годов также выросли и прямые иностранные инвестиции, поскольку иностранные корпорации стремились увеличить свою долю внутреннего рынка и преодолеть тарифные барьеры и проблемы обмена валют путём перенесения части производства в Бразилию. Государство таким образом делало акцент на основных секторах экономики, столкнувшись с нелёгким заданием создания жизнеспособной финансовой базы для будущего роста стратегических отраслей: горной промышленности, переработки нефти, стали, тяжёлого машиностроения и химической промышленности.

Конституция 1937 года

Также как и европейские фашисты, Варгас использовал угрозу коммунизма для оправдания собственной диктатуры. Фашистская диктатура «Эстадо Ново» (Новое государство) была построена по образу номинально нейтрального, но по сути фашистского «Нового государства» Салазара в Португалии. Эта диктатура окончательно материализовалась в 1937, когда предполагалось, что Варгас оставит пост президента в январе 1938 года, как это требовала конституция 1934 года. Но 29 сентября 1937 года генерал Дутра представил «План Коэна» (назван в честь венгерского коммунистического лидера, Белы Куна ), который описывал детальный план коммунистической революции. «План Коэна» был лишь фальсификацией, сделанной интегралистами, но Варгас использовал его чтобы объявить предложенное Дутрой состояние чрезвычайного положения в государстве, также как Гитлер несколькими годами раньше использовал поджог Рейхстага для обвинения коммунистов и оправдания диктатуры. 10 ноября Варгас в радио-обращении к народу заявил о принятии на себя диктаторских полномочий, которые закреплялись новой конституцией (второй за время его режима), полностью переписанной с конституций европейских фашистских государств, таким образом приостановив президентские выборы и распуская конгресс. Варгас, как Гитлер и Муссолини, укреплял свою власть постепенно в рамках установленного государственного строя, а не путём одной революции.

Хотя режим «Эстадо Ново» и был откровенно тоталитарным , он был мягче по сравнению с режимом нацистской Германии. Также как и европейские фашисты, Варгас отменил оппозиционные политические партии, ввёл жёсткую цензуру, организовал централизованную полицию и наполнил тюрьмы политическими диссидентами, пропагандируя национализм и устанавливая полный контроль над государственной политикой.

Хотя конституция Эстадо Ново и запрещала военизированные группы, включая интегралистов, которые угрожали личной власти Варгаса, политическая и экономическая политика государства имела много общего с политикой Муссолини . Варгас запретил забастовки и отнял у работников право организовывать независимые от правительства профсоюзы. Как и Муссолини, он использовал правительство в качестве посредника между классами, устанавливая, например, минимальную заработную плату для промышленных рабочих, но не для крестьян, точно так же, как Муссолини поддерживал городской пролетариат, но игнорировал крестьянство. Его политика индустриализации с помощью центрального планирования при сохранении частной собственности была ещё одной общей чертой.

Индустриализация

На протяжении Эстадо Ново государство анонсировала амбициозный Пятилетний план, целью которого были развитие тяжёлой промышленности, создание новых источников гидроэлектроэнергии , расширение железнодорожной сети и развитие финансовой базы Бразилии. Эти мероприятия без сомнения вели к буржуазной революции, как минимум частичной. В 1940 году производство электроэнергии в Бразилии достигло 1 миллиона киловатт, из которых 60 процентов производилось в районе штата Сан-Паулу, в первую очередь благодаря сооружению гидроэлектростанций. Производство цемента выросло с 87 тыс. тонн в 1930 году до 700 тыс. тонн в 1940. Производство железа и стали выросло с 90 тыс. тонн в 1929 году до 150 тыс. тонн в 1939. Число производственных предприятий было более чем удвоено на протяжении десятилетия, достигнув 50 тыс. в 1940 году. Фабрики в штате Сан-Паулу использовали 35 процентов индустриальной рабочей силы и производили 43 процента стоимости промышленной продукции. За исключением экспорта ткани, бразильская промышленность почти исключительно обслуживала местный рынок.

К 1941 году в Бразилии было 44 100 заводов, где работало 944 тыс. рабочих (для сравнения в 1920 году эти цифры составляли 13 336 заводов и около 300 тыс. рабочих). В 1942 году правительство основало Компанию Долины Риу-Доси ( Companhia Vale do Rio Doce ) для разработки богатых месторождений железной руды Итабиры , в 1944 оно основало компанию для добычи и первичной переработки материалов, необходимых химической промышленности, в 1946 году Национальная Моторная Компания начала производство грузовиков. В том же году осуществилась одна из мечт Варгаса — Национальная Сталелитейная Компания начала производство на заводе в Вольта-Редонда между Рио-де-Жанейро и Сан-Паулу . Предвидя необходимость в топливе для современной промышленности, Варгас в 1938 году создал Национальную Нефтяную Компанию, которая начала поиск нефти . К 1940 году бразильское промышленное производство выросло очень существенно, но производство кофе снизилось. В результате для удовлетворения интересов старой олигархии правительство инвестировало значительные суммы в производство кофе, который продолжал быть главным экспортным продуктом Бразилии.

Городское планирование

Эстадо Ново имела значительный эффект для развития бразильской архитектуры, в первую очередь потому что государство имело достаточные полномочия для осуществления амбициозных планов городского планирования . Хотя для осуществления всех этих планов и не хватало средств, эти проекты имели значительный и продолжительный эффект для организации городов. Один из лучше всего спланированных городов в мире, Куритиба , получил свой первый генплан в 1943 г. в период Эстадо Ново. Генеральный план развития города был разработан известным французским архитектором-планировщиком Альфредом Агашем ( фр. Alfred Agache ).

World War II

Несмотря на фашистскую природу Эстадо Ново, Бразилия в конце концов выступила на стороне союзников во Второй мировой войне . Но сначала, ещё до провозглашения Эстадо Ново, считалось что Бразилия склонялась к поддержке стран оси. Между 1933 и 1938 годами Германия стала главным рынком для бразильского хлопка и вторым наибольшим импортёром бразильского кофе и какао . Немецкий Банк Южной Америки даже открыл триста филиалов на территории Бразилии. В конце концов прагматичное бразильское правительство приняло сторону союзников, хотя и после долгого периода выторговывания для себя наиболее выгодных торговых условий. Даже в мае 1941 года, уже после вторжения Германии в Польшу , Варгас направил Гитлеру поздравительную телеграмму в его день рождения, передавая «лучшие пожелания вашего личного счастья и процветания Немецкой нации», таким образом все ещё пытаясь играть двойную игру. Такая двойная игра, вместе с быстрым увеличением гражданской и военной торговли между Бразилией и нацистской Германией , вызывала постоянное беспокойство правительств союзников, которые продолжали задаваться вопросом «кто такой Варгас и чего он хочет».

Бразильская правящая коалиция также разрывалась между просоюзническими и пронемецкими крыльями. Бразильские генералы, например ближайшие к Варгасу Педру Монтейру и Эурику Дутра , восхищались немецким военно-индустриальным комплексом и горели желанием подписать договор с Германией. Пронемецкая фракция режима Варгаса была сильнейшей в армии, тогда как его помощники из олигархии были более лояльны Союзникам, благодаря установленным экономическим связям с США с Великобританией . Так как Союзники были более перспективными торговыми партнёрами, Варгас в конце концов и принял их сторону, объявив войну Германии и Италии в 1942 году и послав 25-тысячный Бразильский экспедиционный корпус в Европу на помощь союзникам. Бразилия понесла довольно заметные потери от войны, когда в августе 1942 года немецкие подводные лодки начали постоянные нападения на бразильские торговые суда.

Конец Эстадо Ново

Соглашение с антифашистскими Союзниками привело к непониманию среди бразильского среднего класса, которое, например, Салазар и Франко избежали в связи с поддержкой номинального нейтралитета, что позволило им не провоцировать антифашистские настроения в обществе и избежать вооружённого противостояния с Союзниками. В связи с антифашистскими настроениями Варгас был вынужден пойти на некоторую либерализацию своего режима, в обществе, которое больше не боялось беспорядков в стране и коммунистического реванша. Он объявил «новую послевоенную эру свободы», что включало амнистию для политических заключенных, возвращение президентских выборов и легализацию оппозиционных партий, включая безнадежно ослабленную Компартию.

Тем не менее, именно недовольство этой либерализацией и привело к новому государственному перевороту. 29 октября 1945 года наиболее правые члены правительства Варгаса, генералы Педру Монтейру и Эурику Дутра , свергли его с президентского поста и назначили временным президентом главу Верховного суда Бразилии Жозе Линьяриса . Эта дата считается концом Эстадо Ново, хотя Варгас ещё вернулся на президентский пост в 1950 году.

• Ready, Lee J. Forgotten Allies: The European Theater. Vol. I.
• Jefferson, McFarland, 1985.

• Эра Варгаса на сайте FGV (порт.)