Rhodesian front

In the early 1960s, the idea of ​​independence was sharply increased in the white community of Southern Rhodesia . The decolonization of the continent caused great concern because of the prospect of a black majority coming to power. The bloodshed of 1960 in the Congo made a particularly severe impression on the Rhodesians ^[1] . The moderate reforms of liberal Prime Minister Garfield Todd from 1953 to 1958 did not receive the support of the White Rhodesians. On the other hand, the proclamation of South Africa in 1961 showed an example of the legalized dominance of whites in conditions of independence.

The exponent of these sentiments was the Rhodesian Front ( RF ) party, created in 1962 by radical activists of white political organizations, primarily the South Rhodesian branch of the Dominion Party . It is believed that the founder of RF was the entrepreneur of the tobacco cluster Winston Field . However, usually the creation of a party is associated with two other names - Ian Smith and Douglas Lilford .

Farmer Smith, a former British Air Force combat pilot who participated in World War II , was a political leader. Tobacco tycoon Lilford, considered Smith's “right hand”, was involved in financing and organizational work. Field was attracted by them to the role of the first person of RF as a well-known and respectable person ^[2] . It is significant that Peter van der Beale , a large tobacco entrepreneur, a native of South Africa and an ethnic Afrikaner, played an important role in the formulation of party ideology.

The ideology of Rhodesian nationalism proceeded from the fact that the Rhodesian Anglo-Africans are an independent nation, like the Afrikaners of South Africa, and aspire to national independence. The main program setting was the state sovereignty of Rhodesia. Formally, the RF program guaranteed the observance of the rights of all racial and ethnic groups. But at the same time, emphasis was placed on their preservation of their original identity - which, by default, suggested hierarchical racial barriers. A separate item was devoted to agrarian relations - the division of land between white and black owners with a clear priority of the former. At the same time, a package of social initiatives was proposed in favor of the white working class.

In December 1962, RF won the Legislative Assembly of Southern Rhodesia. The government was headed by Winston Field. In April 1964, Jan Smith, the more consistent, active and tough supporter of independent Rhodesia, succeeded the Prime Minister and leader of the RF Field.

In the May 1965 election, the Rhodesian Front, led by Smith, won a triumphant election victory. The moderate Rhodesian party, which advocated maintaining the status of the British colony, lost seats in parliament. The declaration of Rhodesia as an independent state became a matter of short time ^[3] .

On November 11, 1965, the government of Jan Smith unilaterally proclaimed the independence of Rhodesia ^[4] . Great Britain regarded this act as a rebellion against the crown ^[5] . Not a single state in the world (even South Africa) has recognized a new state. The negative position of the international community was due to the fact that the decision was made on the basis of the position of only the white population, without equal consideration of the opinion of the black majority.

The entire period of self-declared independence of the Rhodesian Front was the ruling party of Rhodesia. In the elections of 1970, 1974, 1977, RF candidates invariably received all 50 deputy mandates reserved for the white population. (According to the Rhodesian constitution, 16 mandates with a deliberative vote were given to blacks and “color” ^[6] .) Public policy was determined by a group of RF leaders who occupied key posts - primarily Ian Smith, Douglas Lilford, Peter van der Beale, Gerald Clark , John Howman , Clifford Dupont , Desmond Lardner-Burke , John Wrathall , Roger Hawkins .

Smith steadily led the government. Lilford was his closest associate, oversaw the party apparatus and finances. Van der Beale oversaw information policy and propaganda, diplomacy, the armed forces, led the ministries of information, defense, and foreign affairs. Vrathall oversaw economic policy, for a long time was Minister of Finance, later President. Hawkins led the economic ministries, and for some time oversaw the power structures. Lardner-Burke oversaw punitive politics, law enforcement, and legal proceedings as Minister of Justice. Dupont was the administrator of the government, then the president. Clark was in charge of government records as a cabinet secretary. Howman held various ministerial posts and acted as diplomatic adviser to the prime minister.

The command of the Rhodesian army (General Peter Walls ) and the leadership of the special services (Colonel Ken Flower ) formally stood outside of party politics, but actually implemented the RF installations. However, there is a strong assumption that Colonel Flower played a double game, maintaining a secret relationship with the British MI-6 . He remained the head of the intelligence service under the Mugabe government in independent Zimbabwe. ^[7]

In terms of government, Rhodesia was a parliamentary republic. The president performed mainly ceremonial functions. The real power belonged to the government. The Prime Minister in 1965-1979 was occupied by RF leader Ian Smith, who was the head of the regime.

The socio-political system of Rhodesia was considered racist , but it was noticeably different from apartheid in South Africa. Supporters of the South African order were Lardner-Burke and van der Beale - immigrants from South Africa, imbued with the appropriate ideology. However, most RF executives, including Smith, took a much more moderate stance. A legislative defeat in racial rights was not formally introduced. The attitude towards the Negro population was more loyal. But the domination of the white minority was ensured by economic methods, first of all, by strict property and educational qualifications that cut off the bulk of blacks from participating in the elections ^[8] .

RF economic policy was clearly oriented towards the interests of white citizens. Legislation and administrative regulation guaranteed white Rhodesians dominance in land ownership, industry, and the financial sector. The Rhodesian front was a right-wing conservative party, but social policy towards the white community was notable for outright populism . For white workers, various guarantees in the field of labor and wages were practiced, and white assistance was provided to white farmers. This displeased big business, but provided RF support for the white population. At the same time, completely different appeals were addressed to blacks - free enterprise, private initiative, vigorous competition were promoted ^[9] .

Almost the entire existence of Rhodesia took place in a civil war . Left rebel movements ZAPU and ZANU waged an armed struggle against the regime. It acquired particular intensity from 1971-1972, and since 1975 it began to pose a serious danger to white civilians. The Rhodesian front strongly opposed the transfer of power to the black majority. Ian Smith justified the rigidity of this position by the threat of the establishment of a Marxist dictatorship. According to him, the formula “One person - one vote” in African conditions has an ominous addition: “... once” ^[10] .

The military superiority of the government army over partisan movements was undeniable, but they could not be suppressed. Great difficulties were created by the international boycott of Rhodesia (to which South Africa actually joined since 1979), while ZAPU and ZANU enjoyed the support of the USSR and its allies, the PRC and the DPRK .

Since the mid-1970s, the Smith government has been trying to establish dialogue with the moderate wing of the Negro elite. The unifying platform was anti-communism . Negotiations were conducted with tribal leader Jeremy Chirau , Methodist Bishop Abel Muzoreva , former leader of ZANU Ndabaningi Sitole . On March 3, 1978, Ian Smith concluded an agreement with Muzoreva, Sitole and Chirau on an internal settlement - a gradual transition to multi-racial rule. All four were members of the Executive Board, which was called upon to organize transition processes. Then the Auxiliary Security Forces were formed from black anti-communists.

These steps caused sharp discontent among consistent white racists. Twelve members of parliament led by Ina Bersi and Ted Sutton Price withdrew from the RF and established the ultra-conservative Rhodesian action party . Under the slogan “Save Rhodesia!” ^[11] they demanded the rejection of negotiations and the tightening of repressive policies. On the other hand, a liberal party of the National Unity Force was created, led by renowned ecologist Allan Sawori , who, on the contrary, sought national reconciliation and racial equality ^[12] . But, despite the emergence of active opposition, in the elections of 1977 the Rhodesian Front again received all 50 "white" seats. Ian Smith remained an unquestioned authority for white voters.

Smith’s negotiations with moderate black nationalists ended in 1978 with an “internal settlement” agreement. In accordance with it, in April 1979, parliamentary elections were held with the participation of black voters and the parties of Muzoreva, Sitole and Chirau. The largest number of mandates - 51 - was received by the United African National Council ( UANC ) of Bishop Muzoreva, the second place - 28 seats - took the Rhodesian Front. On June 1, 1979 , the creation of the new Zimbabwe-Rhodesia state was proclaimed. The government was headed by Abel Muzorev. Ian Smith received the post of minister without a portfolio.

The partisan movements did not recognize the new government and continued the armed struggle. Zimbabwe-Rhodesia has not received international recognition either.

Internal and external pressure — primarily from the British government of Margaret Thatcher and the American administration of Jimmy Carter — forced Muzorev and Smith to agree to direct negotiations with ZANU and ZAPU. In September-December 1979, the Lancasterhouse Conference was held in London. In accordance with the agreement, December 21, 1979 Southern Rhodesia was temporarily restored to the status of a British colony. In February 1980, elections were held in which the Marxist ZANU party led by Robert Mugabe won a landslide victory. The Rhodesian Front received in the 100-seat parliament all 20 seats reserved for the white population.

On April 18, 1980 , Zimbabwe declared independence.

Under the new conditions, the Rhodesian Front continued to express and defend the interests of the white citizens of Zimbabwe. At the same time, Ian Smith initially called on white citizens not to emigrate from Zimbabwe, "to give Mugaba a chance." But these persuasions did not have much effect: up to half of the whites left Zimbabwe in the first three years of independence.

The Rhodesian front was in opposition to the Mugabe regime. Ian Smith characterized the Mugabe regime as a Marxist-Leninist dictatorship, criticized corruption and managerial incompetence. ^[13] In 1982, when the Mugabe government repressed former allies from the ZAPU, Joshua Nkomo described the situation in Zimbabwe as "worse than Smith." At the same time, more than half of the RF parliamentary faction left the party and created the Zimbabwe Independent Group , focused on supporting the government.

Despite regular threats from Mugabe, Ian Smith and his associates were not directly repressed. The restraint of the authorities was explained by image interest: in contacts with foreign representatives, Mugabe called Smith's stay at large a proof of his democracy and peaceful disposition. However, Douglas Lilford (nicknamed Boss ), an ideologist of the extreme right wing of the RF and curator of the party’s operational services, was killed in December 1985 by unknown persons on his own farm ^[14] .

In June 1981, the party was renamed the Republican Front . In July 1984, the name was again changed to the Zimbabwe Conservative Alliance ( CAZ ). In the 1985 election, CAZ won 15 seats in parliament.

In 1987, the ZANU government carried out constitutional reform by establishing a presidential system - Mugabe became the head of state - and eliminating the “white quota” in parliament. This eliminated CAZ's chances of being represented in the legislature.

Soon after, Ian Smith left the CAZ leadership. Gerald Smith (namesake) became his successor. The influence of the party has fallen to a historic low. In the 1990 election, the party did not enter parliament for the first time, although it retained some representation at the municipal level.

Ian Smith, departing from the old principle of white identity, held an expanded meeting in July 1992 to create an opposition coalition. Along with CAZ, representatives of UANC Abel Muzoreva, ZANU - Ndonga Ndabaningi Sitole, ZUM Edgar Tekere , FP Enok Dumbutsheni participated in the meeting . However, the project could not be implemented. The party and government of Mugabe tightly controlled the political system of Zimbabwe.

In 1992, CAZ self-dissolved. The 30-year history of the Rhodesian Front is over. This is due to structural changes in the white Zimbabwean community.

The white population of the country has fallen sharply. By the early 1990s, it became almost three times smaller than in the mid-1960s. At the same time, the percentage of elderly people distanced from politics has significantly increased. The social base of Rhodesian nationalism has narrowed and weakened.

The historical reputation of the Rhodesian Front, the rooted image of the "racist party" categorically did not fit in the context of the widespread inclusion of Africans in politics.

Influential representatives of the white elite abandoned the opposition and allied with the government of Mugabe. This position was taken first of all by big business figures organized in the Confederation of Industry and the Union of Commercial Farms ^[15] and prominent security officials of the Rhodesian regime, who transferred to the Mugabe secret services ^[16] .

White political activists - for example, the famous opposition farmer Roy Bennett ^[17] - prefer not to act in racially isolated groups, but in the wider Movement for Democratic Change , dominated by black Zimbabweans.