Bulgar ( Bulgaran ; Lat. Bulgar, Bulgaran , Spanish. Búlgar, Bulgarano ; VI - VII centuries ) - Visigothic statesman and diplomat, count , ruler of Septimania (in the documents of that time the Latin name of these lands was used - Narbon Gaul ).
| Bulgar | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| lat Bulgar | |||||||
| |||||||
| Predecessor | Gundemar | ||||||
| Birth | VI century | ||||||
| Death | not earlier than 612 | ||||||
Biography
Historical Sources
The only medieval historical source reporting on Bulgar is the collected works of the epistolary genre , known as the Visigothic Letters [1] [2] . The first complete publication of this source was carried out in 1892 in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica [3] . The collection contains six letters sent by the Bulgar. They date from 610-612 years. Of these, the addressees of the three letters were the bishops of the Frankish state [4] [5] , two were the hierarchs of the Visigoth kingdom [6] , and one was the Visigoth king Gundemar [2] [7] [8] .
The letters of the Bulgar are written in folk Latin , but their syllable is often very sophisticated, and the text contains reminiscences of the Holy Scriptures [1] . This is one of the few messages that have reached our time, written not by church leaders, but by representatives of the Visigothic nobility [2] . Bulgar's letters are also a valuable source on the history of the Visigothic state of the times of kings Witterich and Gundemar, whose reign in the writings of early medieval authors - Isidore of Seville and Fredegar - very little information was preserved [1] [9] .
Early years
In medieval sources, nothing reports on the origin of the Bulgar. On the basis of onomastic data, it is assumed that he could be not a Visigoth or Ibero-Roman , but a Suevian , whose ancestors lived in Braga [10] . In his letters, the Bulgar appears as a highly educated person who knew the Holy Scriptures well and possessed a literary talent. This allows modern historians to conclude that the Bulgar was a native of a noble family [2] . Based on the messages of the Bulgar, it is also concluded that he was a Christian - a Nicene [11] .
The first evidence of medieval sources about Bulgaria dates back to the time of the Visigoth king Liuva II (reigned in 601-603). By the end of the rule of this monarch, the Bulgar possessed the count title ( lat. Comes ) and held the post of ruler of an unknown city in Septimania [2] [8] . Perhaps he took this post even under the father of Leuva II, King Reccarede I. It is assumed that the Bulgar could be brought up at the court of Reckared and from this monarch to receive most of his personal possessions [1] .
Under King Witterich
In conclusion
After the overthrow in 603 (June 12 or August 7) from the throne and execution of King Leuva II, Witterich ascended the throne [12] , according to Bulgar, "a ruthless tyrant, an unjust and shameful thief." Under the new monarch, the Bulgar was persecuted by the again intensified Arians . The count was deprived of his title, position and property, arrested and imprisoned in a city remote from his native places. Perhaps his place of detention was Toledo . Here, for seven years, Bulgar was deprived of food and water many times, and was also repeatedly tortured [1] [2] [9] .
According to Bulgar, at that time only two people showed sympathy and compassion for him - Bishops Agapiy (possibly identical to the eponymous Bishop of Cordoba ) and Sergius (later he became head of the ). In his letters, the Bulgarians warmly thanked Agapius and Sergius, who, despite the prohibitions and threats of King Witterich, visited the prisoner in prison, healed his wounds and provided everything necessary [1] [2] [8] [12] . Also Ilergy Bulgar later expressed gratitude for the support [1] [2] . This church leader, being first a supporter of King Witterich and one of the main persecutors of the Bulgar, then became a friend of the prisoner. The Bulgar wrote that it was he who was obliged by the allergy to gain freedom [1] . Probably, the actions of the bishops were caused by the discontent of a large part of the hierarchs of the Visigoth kingdom with the rule of Witterich, who was sympathetic to the Arians [13] .
The Killing of Witterich
By the beginning of 610, the popularity of Witterich among the Visigoth nobility had declined significantly. Presumably, wishing to be reconciled with Orthodox Christians , Witterich, at the request of Bishop Hiergy of Egar, pardoned the Bulgar. Moreover, thanks to Ilergy, the Bulgar received not only freedom, but also part of his previously confiscated property [1] [2] [8] [12] .
This allowed Bulgar to take an active part in the conspiracy against Witterich organized on April 6 or May 1, 610 [12] . On the basis of the count's messages, it is concluded that the Bulgar, if he was not among the direct killers of the king, at least was personally present at the murder of the monarch [1] [2] [12] . In one of the messages, the Bulgar described the circumstances of the death of Witterich: at one of the feasts, the conspirators attacked the ruler of the Visigoths with weapons and killed him and one of the royal associates. The body of the "tyrant" was dragged out of the palace and betrayed reproach. Bulgar wrote that the death of Witterich was a divine punishment for the crimes committed by that [1] [9] .
Under King Gundemar
Bulgar's friendship with Gundemar
After the assassination of Witterich, Gundemar, formerly the duke of Septimania, became the ruler of the Visigoth state. According to the testimony of Bulgar, even before accession to the throne, Gundemar very kindly treated those enemies of Witterich who were expelled by the command of the king to the lands of Narbon Gaul far from the capital [1] [9] . The Bulgar also mentions his friendship with the king. This, in particular, is evidenced by the deep condolences that Bulgar expressed in a letter to Gundemar regarding the death of his young wife Hildoara [2] [8] [9] [10] . The Bulgar praised the dignity of the deceased queen: her grace, education, voluptuousness, and most of all her piety, calling him "medicine for the soul" [1] .
Duke of Septimania
Probably, it was these friendships that allowed Bulgar to succeed Gundemar in Septimania [8] [9] [14] . Already in the documents of the year 610 he was mentioned not only as a count, but also as the ( lat. Dux Narbonensis ) [8] . This appointment testifies to the full confidence that the new ruler of the Visigoths had in Bulgaria. Also, with the consent of Gundemar, the rich possessions of one of the close associates of King Witterich were transferred to the Bulgar [12] . Perhaps the Bulgar got back the estates in Septimania, which he possessed until the year 603 [11] .
It is believed that shortly after accession to the throne, Gundemar entered into an alliance with King of Australia Theodebert II . He at that time was in conflict with the King of Burgundy Theodorich II , who ruled under the care of his grandmother Brungilda . Probably Gundemar, with the help of the Australians, intended to weaken the influence of the ruler of Burgundy, whose possessions bordered on the Kingdom of Visigoth [12] [15] .
Being the ruler of the Visigoth lands bordering with the Frankish state, the Bulgar conducted diplomatic correspondence with hierarchs who had influence at the courts of the rulers of the Franks [5] [14] . Of the three surviving epistles, two were sent to unnamed bishops close to King Theodebert II. It is not known exactly whether the letters were sent to one or two persons. Presumably, one of the possible addressees of the epistles was the head of the Diocese of Rhodes Ver [5] . In the first of the letters, which was a response to an earlier message from the ruler of Australia, the Bulgar discusses the conditions for the arrival of Austrian ambassadors to the royal court in Toledo, as well as ways of transferring money to Theodebert II [2] . In the second letter, the Bulgar again informed the bishop of his readiness to send money to King Theodebert II in fulfillment of the union treaty, and asked to send proxies for these purposes [2] . Among other things, in both letters the Duke of Visigoth expressed concern about the intention of the Burgundian rulers to organize an attack on the Avars by troops of Australia [2] [8] [12] [15] . In letters to the bishop, the Bulgar called these plans "disgusting and unworthy of Christians." He also announced his desire to hold prayers in his lands with a request to God to assist the Austrian Christians in the victory over the pagan Avars [1] [16] .
The third message of the Bulgar was sent to an unnamed adviser to Queen Brunnhilde, possibly Bishop Auxerre Desiderius . This letter is the only evidence of the West Burgundian conflict caused by territorial disputes. In the message of the duke it was mentioned that he rejected the demand of Theodoric II to return those cities recently captured by the Visigoths, which, under Reccared I, had passed to the Frankish state. Perhaps these lands were transferred to the Franks in 587-589, when negotiations were held on the never-married marriage of Rekkared and , the daughter of Brunnhilde and Sigibert I. It also demanded the release of the Visigoth ambassadors Tatila and Guldrimir, detained at the Burgundy court, and apologize for the insults. Bulgar wrote that only after all these requirements have been fulfilled, negotiations with Theodorich II can be continued and his envoys allowed to see King Gundemar [1] [2] [16] .
Based on the messages of the Bulgar, modern historians are trying to restore the circumstances of the Visigoth-Frank relations from the time of King Gundemar. It is assumed that one of the conditions of the union agreement between Gundemar and Theodebert II was the payment of a large sum of money by the Visigoths to the ruler of Australia for the war against the Avars. Probably she was brought to the Frankish king by the Visigoths Tatil and Guldrimir, who were accompanied by Bishop Ver Rodezsky. However, along the way, the Visigoth ambassadors were detained by order of Theodorich II and Brunnhilde. In response, the Bulgar captured several Burgundian cities (including and ) and arrested the envoys of Theodorich and Brünnhilde on their way to Toledo. However, the absence of other documents does not make it possible to establish the results of this Westgoth-Burgund confrontation [9] [10] [16] . It is noted that Gundemar’s intervention in the Frankish internecine wars is a unique case in the history of the Visigoth state: neither before nor after did any of the Visigothic rulers provide military or financial support to one of the parties to the conflicts in the Frankish state [9] .
All three Bulgarian messages to the Franks date from 611-612 years. These are the last surviving evidence of the Count. Nothing is known about the future fate of the Bulgar [1] .
Notes
- ↑ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Orlandis Rovira J. Semblanzas visigodas . - Madrid: Rialp, 1992 .-- P. 91-104. - ISBN 84-321-2830-9 .
- ↑ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Salvador Iranzo Abellán. Bulgarano // La Hispania visigótica y mozárabe: dos épocas en su literatura / Andrés Sanz MA, Codoñer Merino C. - Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 2010. - P. 100-102. - ISBN 978-8-4780-0172-9 .
- ↑ Epistolae Wisigoticae . - Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Epistolae (in Quart). Tomus III. Epistolae Merowingici et Karolini aevi (I). - Berlin: Weidmannos, 1892. - S. 658-690.
- ↑ Visigoth letters (No. 11-13).
- ↑ 1 2 3 Dumézil B., 2012 , p. 497-505.
- ↑ Visigoth letters (No. 14-15).
- ↑ Visigoth letters (No. 16).
- ↑ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Martindale JR Bulgar // Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire . - Cambridge University Press , 1992. - Vol. III (a): AD 527–641. - P. 251-252. - ISBN 0-521-20160-8 [2001 reprint].
- ↑ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Thompson EA The Goths in Spain . - Oxford: Oxford University Press , 1969. - P. 157-161.
- ↑ 1 2 3 Livermore H. The Twilight of the Goths: The Kingdom of Toledo, C. 560-711 . - Portland: Intellect Books, 2006. - P. 68-69. - ISBN 978-1-8415-0966-2 .
- ↑ 1 2 Álamo M. Bulgar. - Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques . - Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1938. - T. X. - Col. 1114-1116
- ↑ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 García Moreno LA Prosopografía del reino visigodo de Toledo . - Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1974. - P. 37-39. - ISBN 978-8-4600-6018-5 .
- ↑ Tsirkin Yu. B., 2010 , p. 269.
- ↑ 1 2 Tsirkin Yu. B., 2010 , p. 271.
- ↑ 1 2 Cloud D. History of the Visigoths. - SPb. : Eurasia , 2002. - S. 129. - ISBN 5-8071-0115-4 .
- ↑ 1 2 3 Dumézil B., 2012 , p. 362-364.
Literature
- Dumézil B. Queen Brünnhilde. - SPb. : Eurasia, 2012 .-- 560 p. - ISBN 978-5-91852-027-7 .
- Tsirkin Yu. B. Spain from antiquity to the Middle Ages. - SPb. : Faculty of Philology, St. Petersburg State University; Nestor-Istoriya, 2010 .-- 456 p. - ISBN 978-5-8465-1024-1 .