The fall of the communist regime in Albania

The communist regime in Albania was established in 1944, after liberation from foreign occupation. Enver Hoxha’s rule was distinguished by consistent Stalinism - the one - party dictatorship of the APT , a nationalized economy, a cult of personality, censorship, mass repression, religious persecution, regular party purges, total control by the Sigurimi and, most importantly, complete isolation from the outside world.

Armed resistance - the Postriban uprising , the Koplik rebellion , other rebel actions - and organized opposition were suppressed in the second half of the 1940s and early 1950s. The 1951 massacre played a special role. The inner-party opposition was defeated at the April party conference of 1956 , its leaders were repressed. Albanian anti-communists were active in exile through the National Committee “Free Albania” . Penetration into the country was severely blocked, but in 1982 the group of Shevdet Mustafa made an unsuccessful attempt to kill Khoja ^[1] . The riots of prisoners were brutally suppressed, the largest of which was the uprising in Spach prison in 1973 .

In foreign policy, the Albanian leadership at first was completely oriented toward the USSR and the CPSU (b) / CPSU . But after the death of Stalin and the 20th Congress of the CPSU , at which the cult of the leader’s personality was debunked, a tough ideological conflict arose between the APT and the CPSU. In 1961 , the Soviet-Albanian split occurred (relations were restored only in 1991). Having broken with the CPSU, the APT became close to the Maoist Communist Party of China . An interstate alliance on an ideological basis arose between Albania and the PRC . However, with the death of Mao Zedong and the coming to power in China of reformers led by Deng Xiaoping, Albania lost this ally. After breaking up with China, Enver Hoxha turned to a policy of total self-isolation. The main enemy was declared Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito - the Stalinist Hodge categorically rejected the Titoist self-government and market socialism (in addition, the conflict over Kosovo constantly affected).

Enver Hoxha died in 1985 . Ramiz Aliya , Secretary of the APT Central Committee, became his predetermined successor, earlier - curator of ideology and party propaganda, then the chairman of the Presidium of the National Assembly - the formal head of state. At first, Aliya did not carry out any significant reforms, the party dictatorship and police control were fully preserved. However, at the same time, mass repressions stopped, discussions on cultural issues began to be allowed, religion and small private business were not officially allowed, but they ceased to be severely persecuted. Diplomatic relations with Western European countries expanded, primarily with Italy , negotiations began to attract foreign investment (which was strictly prohibited under Hodge) ^[2] . Trade relations began to be allowed even with Yugoslavia, although with a reservation on "irreconcilable ideological contradictions."

But even such inconspicuous shifts caused fear and discontent of the Orthodox Khoja conservatives in the leadership and apparatus of the APT, who were afraid to lose their influence. The leaders of this group were the widow of the late dictator Necmie Hodge and the secretary of the Central Committee for organizational structure, Lenka Chuko . The Albanian authorities were very worried about the Soviet Perestroika and the 1989 Eastern European Revolutions .

These concerns were well founded. Active protests began in the summer of 1988 . The center of unrest was Kawaii District . Several labor activists created an illegal trade union in Kawai and staged strikes at ceramic and glass factories. An underground group of urban and rural youth performed direct actions - the destruction of party slogans and portraits of Khoja, the writing of anti-communist and anti-Khoja graffiti , and the distribution of leaflets. Sometimes activists clashed with members of the Albanian Komsomol , who qualified the authorities as "hooliganism."

Such actions created failures in party-state administration. It was a harbinger of the storm, which soon fell upon the Communists ^[3] .

At the end of December 1989, leaflets appeared in Tirana and Vlore urging them to follow the Romanian example , including in the part concerning the rulers personally .

Mass unrest began in Shkodra on January 14, 1990 . Demonstrators threw a monument to Stalin , entered into fights with the police and agents of the Sigurimi. Two weeks later, student protests broke out in Tirana. At first, the students limited themselves to the requirement to remove the name of Enver Hoxha from the name of the University of Tirana , but soon calls came to do with Ramiz Aliya like the Romanians with Nicolae Ceausescu .

On January 28, 1990 , protesters clashed with police and Sigurimi in the capital on Skanderbeg Square. 14 people were arrested (by social status, almost all are workers, one woman is a nurse). Three of them appeared in court in June and received prison sentences from 9 months to 2 years ^[4] , which they did not have to serve at all.

In March, Berat textile workers went on strike, demanding higher wages and better working conditions.

These speeches were suppressed, but they clearly demonstrated a powerful protest potential, the rejection by the masses of the political course of the ruling party, which finally discredited itself in the eyes of society.

A new outbreak of unrest occurred in the summer of 1990. On July 2, about 5 thousand people broke into the buildings of foreign embassies, primarily Italian. The government agreed to their emigration ^[5] (under Hodge, an attempt to leave the country was considered a particularly dangerous state crime).

Fierce clashes since March took place in Kawai ^[6] . Demonstrators demanded an end to party dictatorship, freedom of religion, improvement of working conditions, dissolution of collective farms. The situation was especially aggravated during football matches. On March 25-26, mass fights took place in the city, the local APT secretary, Agron Tafa, was beaten up, the police and agents of Sigurimi were stoned. On July 12, the police used firearms; the young demonstrator Joseph Buda died. After that, protests swept the whole city and the surrounding area. Demonstrators chanted: Enver - Hitler ! Hekuran - Slobodan ! ^[7] (At that time, Hekuran Isai was a member of the Political Bureau of the APT Central Committee and the NSRA Minister of Internal Affairs, Slobodan Milosevic was the President of Serbia , such a comparison sounded extremely insulting for historical reasons).

Political bureau members Lenka Chuko and Muho Aslani arrived in Kavai. They tried to “influence the masses,” but were expelled from the city. The funeral of Joseph Buda brought together 30 thousand people who defeated the city committee of the APT ^[8] .

The consent of the authorities to the departure of several thousand Albanians somewhat defused the situation in the capital. In the spring, new laws were announced that expanded the rights of enterprises in the spirit of self-financing. In early November, the plenum of the APT Central Committee announced a course on "separation of powers of the party and government", allowed entry and exit from the country, and proclaimed freedom of religion, including the worship of religion. Although Aliya still objected to the introduction of a multi-party system, the preparation of a new election law was announced ^[9] . But all these concessions - achieved by street pressure - were not credited to the authorities.

In December 1990, scattered anti-communist protests escalated into a nationwide rebellion. On December 8, 1990 , student youth spoke ^[10] , led by a student at the University of Tirana, Aryan Manahasa ^[11] . On December 11, 700 students began a hunger strike to protest ^[12] . For coordination, the organization December 90 was created. The movement was actively supported by workers; the destruction of Stalinist and Khoja symbols began at the factories. Students spoke under general democratic slogans, workers protested against difficult working conditions, for which the ruling communists held the responsibility ^[13] .

The leadership of the APT was confused and did not dare to force suppression. Party propaganda emphasized that only “experienced leaders,” such as Ramiz Aliya, can lead the country to democracy. Aliya deliberately positioned herself as the "Albanian Gorbachev ." Authorities pledged to hold multi-party elections in the coming months. Lenka Chuko, Muho Aslani, Nejmie Khoja , Simon Stefani , Prokop Murra and some other Orthodox were withdrawn from the party leadership.

December 12, 1990 established the Democratic Party of Albania . The new party quickly gained widespread popularity with a democratization program and sharp anti-communist slogans. However, its leaders - cardiologist Sali Berisha and economist Gramoz Pashko - were closely associated with the elite of the communist regime. Berisha was a full-time physician of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the APT, and served Khoja himself. Pashko's parents were part of the communist government. Some commentators suggested that the party was created, if not on the initiative, then with the approval of the authorities. The APT leadership sought to put representatives of "its circle" at the head of the opposition movement in order to prevent the spontaneous promotion of radical anti-communists such as student Aryan Manahasa, geologist Gezim Shima , and the miner Fikiri Dzibri .

On December 20, Necmie Hoxha was removed from the post of head of the Democratic Front of Albania. On the night of December 20-21, a 10-meter bronze statue of I. Stalin was demolished in Tirana at the direction of the authorities ^[14] .

In February 1991, a group of students and teachers at the University of Tirana went on a hunger strike demanding that they remove the name of Enver Hoxha from the name of the university and departate the army and police. With demand, the Fan Noli society created by the democratic intelligentsia was united.

Communist activists, especially in Gjirokaster (fellow countrymen of Khoja) threatened to use violence against "extremists". On February 12, in Berat, Orthodox Stalinists, led by journalist and writer Hiusni Milosi, created their own organization, the Enver Hoxha Alliance . A power collision was brewing. Ramiz Aliya purposefully took a wait and see attitude ^[15] . But the majority of the population was clearly on the side of the protesters.

As early as December 26, 1990, labor activists led by Gezim Shima established the free trade union Union of Independent Trade Unions of Albania ( BSPSH ) ^[16] . Miners acted as initiators, they were joined by transport workers, textile workers, workers in other industries. On February 6, BSPSH publicly supported students. On February 15, Gezim Shima presented an ultimatum to Ramiz Aliya: either student requirements will be fulfilled before noon on February 19, or a general strike will begin. Working support gave a powerful impetus to students and the opposition intelligentsia. Students welcomed the activists as their saviors ^[17] . However, the development of events was ahead of the BSPSH ultimatum.

On February 20, 1991, demonstrators gathered at Skanderbeg Square in Tirana. The police and party Khojaists tried to hinder them, clashes arose in which one of the BSPSH leaders Fatmir Merkochi was wounded. However, these attempts were suppressed by a mass of protesters ^[18] . Demonstrators threw a monument to Enver Hodge. This action is considered to be a landmark in Albanian history, after which the events acquired an irreversible character.

Tens of thousands of citizens gathered in the main square of Tirana and overthrew the statue of the dictator. The fall of the image of Hodge meant reckoning with the past and the beginning of a new era ^[19] .

Ramiz Aliya also made his conclusions: on February 22, Adil Charchani (appointed even under Hoja) was removed from his post as prime minister and replaced by a reform-minded Fatos Nano . Similarly, Minister of the Interior Hekuran Isai was replaced by Gramoz Ruchi . The legalization of BSPSH, led by Gezim Shima, Fatmir Merkochi and Valera Jack, was even more important. BSPSH brought together about 180 thousand workers.

Subsequently, disputes arose over which social groups and organizations played a major role in the February events of 1991. In a January 2016 interview, Gezim Shima unequivocally states that BSPSH activists were the main driving force, not DP, not Fan Noli and not even students. It was the workers who physically interrupted the situation on Skanderbeg Square.

Fatmir Merkochi, ambulance drivers Spaho brothers, other union members are real heroes. Representatives of “Fan Noli” did not do anything specific, only took advantage of the situation. Sali Berisha came to the students, but limited himself to talking ... 90% of the students were children from communist families. But we did not look at their biographies. We saw in them the future of the nation.
Gesim Shima ^[20]

In modern Albania, February 20 is celebrated as the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Communist Regime ^[21] .

The February events caused a fit of fear in the leadership of the APT. Ramiz Aliya and his entourage began to seriously fear even the revenge of Bally Kombetar with massacre of the Communists, especially the associates of Khoja ^[22] . The inability to suppress force forced further political maneuvers.

Parliamentary elections were held on March 31, 1991 . APT announced victory, receiving 56.2% of the vote. The opposition PD, which, according to official figures, collected 38.7%, accused the authorities of forceful pressure on voters ^[23] .

On April 2, 1991, in Shkodra, clashes between opposition demonstrators and the police took place. Shooting was opened, four activists of the Democratic Party were killed ^[24] . Shooting was conducted from the building of the APT committee, which the demonstrators defeated.

On April 29, 1991, the new composition of the parliament amended the Constitution. The country was renamed from the People's Socialist Republic of Albania to the Republic of Albania . Civil and political freedoms were proclaimed. At the same time, the post of president , elected by deputies, was established. Since April 30, Ramiz Aliya became president.

On June 12, 1991, the Extraordinary Congress of the APT changed its name to the Socialist Party , adopted a program of democratic socialism and abandoned the ideology of Marxism-Leninism . On June 19, Albania officially joined the OSCE ; on September 16 it joined the Helsinki Final Act .Thus, international human rights standards spread to Albania (which Enver Hoxha categorically refused in 1975 ). Sigurimi formally abolished, transformed into a de-ideologized intelligence service, not subordinate to any party.

The Democratic Party saw all this as fraudulent maneuvers of the Communists in order to maintain power. Protests did not stop. At the same time, an independent trade union movement came to the fore in the opposition confrontation. It was BSPSH that played a crucial role in the final elimination of the regime.

Ещё 9 апреля BSPSH выдвинул ультимативные требования к правительству Фатоса Нано: 50%-ное повышение зарплат, профсоюзный контроль за условиями труда, предание суду виновных в шкодерском расстреле 2 апреля. Сроком исполнения было названо 15 мая. Компромиссные предложения правительства профсоюз отклонил.

16 мая BSPSH и ДП призвали к всеобщей забастовке. На призыв откликнулись до 220 тысяч рабочих ^[25] . Через неделю количество забастовщиков увеличилось до 300 тысяч ^[26] . Особое значение имела забастовка транспортников, поскольку личные автомобили (запрещённые во времена Ходжи) ещё были в Албании редкостью. Продолжали работать только медицинские учреждения, электро- и водоснабжение и пищевая промышленность.

Забастовка практически парализовала страну. Теперь выдвигались требования отставки правительства и перевыборов Народного собрания. Просьбы премьера Нано и президента Алии возобновить работу были проигнорированы. Полиция отказывалась применять силу против бастующих. 29 мая парламент собрался на экстренное заседание. В этот день BSPSH организовал в Тиране многотысячный митинг. На этот раз произошло столкновение с полицией, были применены дубинки, камни, слезоточивый газ, сожжено три полицейских машины.

1 июня Народное собрание уступило требованиям забастовщиков. Было принято решение о формировании нового правительства и проведении досрочных парламентских выборов. Новый кабинет возглавил Юли Буфи , ранее министр продовольственного снабжения, считавшийся антикризисным менеджером. Заместителем премьера и министром экономики стал представитель ДП Грамоз Пашко ^[27] . Новые выборы назначались на март следующего года. 10 декабря правительство возглавил технократ Вильсон Ахмети . Задачей нового кабинета являлась организация досрочного голосования.

22 марта 1992 года победу на выборах одержала Демократическая партия — 57,3 % голосов против 23,7 % у социалистов. Новое правительство сформировал активист ДП Александер Мекси . 3 апреля ушёл в отставку Рамиз Алия. 9 апреля новым президентом Албании был избран лидер ДП Сали Бериша.

Коммунистический режим в Албании пал.

• Aleksander Meksi. Dhjetor '90: Dokumente dhe materiale - Tirana: UET Press, 2010 .-- ISBN 978-99956-39-40-2 .
• Abrahams, Fred C. Modern Albania: From Dictatorship to Democracy in Europe . - NYU Press, 2015 .-- ISBN 9780814705117 .