Armenians in Byzantium

Armenian migrations to Byzantium

Themes of Asia Minor in 950

The presence of Armenians on the territory of the Roman Empire was already known at the beginning of the 1st century. Geographer Strabo reports that " have a large population and are a significant trading center for merchants from Armenia " ^[2] . In the 4th-5th centuries, the Armenian population appeared in other provinces and cities of the empire ^[3] . In 571, fleeing persecution in the Sassanid state , many Armenians, led by , found refuge in Byzantine Asia Minor and, in particular, in the city of Pergamum , where they formed a large colony ^[4] . In the middle of the 7th century, the Pavlikians fled to Byzantium, settling at the confluence of the Iris and rivers in the Ponte diocese . Under Constantine V (741-775), many Nakharars left their possessions in Armenia and fled to Byzantium ^[5] . In 781, fleeing persecution in the Caliphate , 50,000 Armenians moved to Byzantium. Empress Irina and her son Constantine VI (780-797) officially greeted them in Constantinople , rewarding those who arrived according to their nobility with titles and lands ^[6] .

Forced migrations of Armenians were also practiced. Probably, until the middle of the 6th century, they were not significant, although Procopius of Caesarea, reporting on the reasons for dissatisfaction of a certain Arsak, says that during the war with the Goths, Armenia " ... was tortured by continuous recruits and military outposts, exhausted by emergency exactions, his father was executed under the pretext of not fulfilling contracts agreement, all his relatives are enslaved and scattered throughout the Roman Empire " ^[7] . In the reign of Tiberius II (578–582), 10,000 Armenians from Akhdznik were resettled in Cyprus ^[8] . On the plans of his successor Mauritius (582-602) to solve the problem with the Armenians, who are “ obstinate and disobedient people; live between us and muddy ”says Cebeos . To this end, the Byzantine emperor entered into correspondence with Shah Khosrow II (591-628), inviting him to simultaneously resettle the Armenians subject to them; his Mauritius was going to move to Thrace . However, the result was somewhat different, since the Armenians began to flee to Persia ^[9] . Thrace was considered as the most suitable place for Armenians to live in the future: under Constantine V (741-775), Armenians and Syrian monophysites were resettled there, under Leo IV (775-780) 150,000 Syrians , among whom could be Armenians ^[10] . After the victory of Basil I in 872 (867-886) over the Pavlikians , most of whom were supposedly Armenians, many of them were scattered throughout the empire. Under his son Leo VI, the Armenian ruler Manuil of Tekis was “introduced to Constantinople” ^[11] , which most likely indicates that he was being held there forcibly, his lands and positions were given to his four sons. Manuel himself received the title of protospathary , and on his former lands was founded theme Mesopotamia ^[12] . Under John Tsimiskhii (969–976), the Pavlikians were relocated from the eastern provinces to Thrace. Basil II (976-1025) also resettled many Armenians from the lands subject to him to the region of Philippopol and Macedonia in order to organize defense against the Bulgarians ^[13] . At the beginning of the XI century, the Asolik reports about this “... the latter set out to relocate part of the Armenians who were under his rule to Macedonia [in order to put them] against the Bulkhars [and allow them to do] the country's structure” ^[14] .

Thrace was not the only place for the settlement of Armenians: they are mentioned at the beginning of the XI century among the peoples resettled by Nikifor I (802-811) in Sparta for the restoration of this destroyed city; in 885, commander Nikifor Fock the Elder resettled many Armenians, possibly Paulicians, to Calabria . After the conquest of Crete in 961, Armenians were also settled there ^[15] . In 1021, the king of the Armenian Vaspurakan kingdom, Senekerim Artsruni, transferred his kingdom to Byzantium. For them, he received Sebastia , Av and Avara, and became Patrick and stratig of Cappadocia. Along with him, 400 thousand people moved from Vaspurakan to Cappadocia ^[16] . This figure, first mentioned in the 18th century by the Armenian historian M. Chamchyan , is a contemporary Armenianist P. Haranis questioning, since in the current event the source shows the number of immigrants 16,000 people, not including women and children. From the middle of the 10th century, Armenians began to intensively colonize Cappadocia, Cilicia, and northern Syria ^[17] . Numerous Armenian refugees fell into Byzantium, fleeing Seljuk raids. The defeat of Byzantium under Manzikert in 1071 and the seizure of territories in Asia Minor by the crusaders at the end of the XI century led to a decrease in the role of the Armenians, although their stay was fixed until the final fall of the empire. The Armenian colonies in the last period of Byzantine history are known in the cities of Asia Minor and in the European provinces that remained under Byzantine rule ^[18] .

The mass migration of Armenians from Armenia to Byzantine lands had more global consequences than the increase in the community. In the second half of the 11th century, Armenians formed at least 6 states here: in 1071, the State of Filaret Varažnuni and the Principality of Melitena , in 1080 the principality in Cilicia , in 1083 the Principality of Edessa , and the Principality of Kesun and the Principality of Feast . Of these, the princedom of Cilicia in 1198 was recognized as an Armenian kingdom . Mkhitar Ayrivanetsi in the XIII century wrote: “At this time the Rubenians began to dominate in Cilicia. God himself rendered justice to us who were oppressed: the Greeks ceased our kingdom ; but God gave their land to the Armenians, who now reign in it ” ^[19] .

Armenian Empire

After about a quarter of the Armenian state of Arshakids entered the Byzantium after the first partition of Armenia in 387, the empire acquired a significant Armenian population. At the same time, they were one of the indigenous peoples in Cappadocia . With the support of Byzantium, which was striving to strengthen its influence in the region, Christianity continued to spread in Armenia, in the Byzantine part of Armenia, for 420s, the activities of the founder of the Armenian alphabet Mashtots fell. After the end of the Iranian-Byzantine war in 591, the second partition of Armenia occurred ^[20] , as a result of which the Byzantine border moved to the east encompassing all central Armenia ^[21] . Around the year 600, uprisings started in Armenia, then from 603, Armenia was involved in another war between Byzantium and Iran ^[22] . Approximately in 640, the Arab conquest of Armenia began and soon this part of the empire was lost ^[23] . In the 10th century, significant territories with an Armenian population were included in Byzantium ^[24] . So, in 949 the Karin region was annexed, in 966 the Armenian principality of Bagratids in Taron ^[25] , and in a few years Manzikert , also having a predominantly Armenian population ^[26] . The turning point for the further history of the Armenian people was the annexation of the empire of Ani of the kingdom in 1045 in central Armenia and the occupation of the large city of Ani . Thus, the possessions of the Byzantine Empire in Armenia for some time reached right up to the west coast of Sevan. However, this situation did not last long. Already in 1064, this territory was seized by the Seljuk Sultan Alp-Arslan. The following year, King Kars Gagik of Karsky was forced to hand over his kingdom to Byzantium. By 1065, a significant part of historical Armenia, except Ani, Syunik , Tashir and Khachen , was part of Byzantium.

The massive annexation of the Armenian lands by Byzantium had far-reaching consequences. On the one hand, Byzantium lost its buffer and any invasion from the east now directly affected its territory, which meant the imminent involvement of the empire in the conflict with the Seljuks. In addition, trying to incorporate the autochthonous Armenian nobility into the new Byzantine realities, the empire was forced to allocate land to the displaced Armenian princes in Likandus, Cappadocia, Zamandos, Kharsianone, Cilicia and Mesopotamia. Tens of thousands of Armenian peasants and artisans who had changed the ethnic and religious composition of these provinces migrated with these princes. This, in turn, led to a sharp struggle with the Greek-Orthodox population already existing here ^[27] .

Legal position

Small Armenia already under Vespasian (69–79) became a Roman province , first as part of Cappadocia , then separately. There is not much information about this province, but it can be assumed that it did not differ much from the rest. In the territories acquired after 387, the power of Arshakids was abolished either immediately, or under Theodosius II (402-450), and transferred to the committee of Armenia. At the same time, the inheritance rights of the Nakharars for the hereditary ownership of land and its transfer by inheritance on the basis of the principle of mineral morals were observed. Territories located in the bend of the Euphrates subordinate to Arshakids only nominally as early as 298 , their rulers subordinated directly to the emperor, they were in charge of local military contingents. All parts of Armenia paid taxes to the treasury. In the reign of Justinian I (527-565), changes were made in the administrative structure of Armenia, taxation was increased, and the right to inheritance was given to women. The latter measure inevitably led to a fragmentation of the Nakharar possessions, which led to their discontent ^[28] .

The conquest of Armenia by the Arabs in the 7th century did not change the general tendency for the integration of the Armenian nobility into the administrative structures of the empire. On the territories conquered in the X — XI centuries, forms were formed, in which commanding posts were provided not only to Armenian immigrants from internal provinces, but also to local natives. In its activities, Byzantium relied not only on the Armenian-Chalcedonites close in faith, but also on those who remained faithful to the Armenian church ^[29] .

Emperors

Quite extensive literature is devoted to attempts to establish the Armenian origin of various Byzantine emperors. As noted by the Armenian historian Leo , this “flattered the national vanity of the Armenians” ^[30] . The first Byzantine emperor, regarding which there is a legend about its Armenian origin, is Mauritius (582-602). A number of Armenian historians of the 10th-13th centuries cite information about its Armenian origin from Oshakan , according to Asolik . In the same locality there is a column, according to a local legend, erected in honor of the emperor's mother ^[31] . The analysis of these legends was made by N. Adonts , who supported the recognition of their authenticity. Nevertheless, the majority of modern researchers recognize as fair the point of view of Evagrius Scholastic , according to which Mauritius " came from ancient Rome by its kind and name, and according to its closest ancestors, the Cappadocian city ​​of Aravin honored as its homeland " ^{[32] [33]} . According to the authors of the Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, this question remains unresolved ^[34] .

More reliable information relates to the emperor Heraclius I (610-641). The seventh century historian Theophylact Simokatta, in his History, reports that the hometown of this emperor was in Armenia ^[35] . It is known that during the last Iranian-Byzantine war, the residence of Heraclius was located in Armenia from 622 to 628 ^[36] . In the History of the Emperor Irakl, the 7th century Armenian historian Sebeos mentions the relationship of Heraclius to Arshakids , although the degree of this relationship is not quite clear ^[37] . Other versions of the origin of this emperor suggest his African , Syrian or Cappadocian non-Armenian origin, and each of these possibilities implies a different interpretation of the actions of this distinguished ruler ^[38] . In the authoritative reference book Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, the origin of Heraclius is simply called Cappadocian, which does not exclude Armenian ancestors ^[39] . The Armenian was the usurper Miziziy , who reigned in Sicily in 668–669. His name represents the Greek transcription of the Armenian name Mzhezh. Very little is known about the short rule of Filippika (711-713) in the years after the unrest that began after the first overthrow of Justinian II . The allegations of his Armenian origin are based on his natural name - Vardan. The source of the middle of the VIII century calls his father Nikifor a native of Pergamum , however, as notes there is no contradiction in the information about the origin of the Filippik family from Pergamum and its Armenian roots, since in 571 many Armenians fled to Asia Minor and founded a large colony in Pergamum ^[4] . According to K. Tumanov , the emperor Artavazd (742-743) belonged to the noble family of Mamikonyans ^[40] . On the origin of the emperor Leo V the Armenian (813-820), The successor of Theophanes reports as follows: “The same Leo was the fatherland of Armenia, but he led his kind on the one hand from the Assyrians , and on the other from the Armenians wickedly shed the blood of their parents, were convicted to exile and, living by fugitives in poverty, degenerated this beast " ^[41] . Such an unflattering characterization can be caused by doctrinal differences between the author of the chronicle and the iconoclast emperor ^[42] . According to K. Tumanov, this emperor belonged to the noble Armenian family of ^[40] and this point of view is believed to be probable by ^{[43] [44]} . There is also an opinion about his belonging to the Artsrunids ^[45] . The Empress Theodora had Armenian roots, together with her brothers, uncles, nephews, and other numerous relatives who carried out the regency with her young son Michael III (842–867) ^{[46] [47]} . By the assumption of N. G. Adonts, he belonged to the Nakharar family of Mamikonyans ^[48] .

The question of the origin of Emperor Basil I (867-886) has attracted close attention of the Byzantinists since Ducage's times. In the opinion of this 17th-century French researcher, Patriarch Photius’s dedication of Vasily’s paternal pedigree from the relatives of Armenian kings who moved to Byzantium under Emperor Leo Makelle (457–744), and entirely maternal from Constantine the Great (306–337) ^{[ 50]} . In the 19th century, on the basis of the involvement of Arab sources, the theory of Slavic origin of Vasily I was formed. Thus, the total number of hypotheses reached three - the Armenian noble, Armenian non-native and Slavic. It is known that the birthplace of Basil was the neighborhood of Adrianople , where both Slavs and Armenians in Pavlik could live ^[51] . The life of Euphemia discovered in the XIX century (the first half of the X century, Vita Euthymii ) ^[52] , which was found out in the XIX century, is quite definite about the Armenian origin of Vasily. On the other hand, there are strong arguments against the story of Photius, which is also set forth by Genesis and the grandson of Basil, Constantine VII (913-959) ^[53] . A number of Greek texts are aware of the low origin of Basil and are unaware of his Armenian roots ^[54] . Armenian sources are unanimously convinced of the Armenian descent of Basil and, for example, Asolik writes about his son: “ Leo VI , like the son of an Armenian, surpassed every Armenian in tarovatnost ” ^{[55] ]} . Comparing all known information at the beginning of the 20th century, the well-known Russian Byzantinist A. A. Vasilyev is inclined to the version of the Armenian common origin of Vasily I, considering the indications of his possible Slavic origin to be a consequence of confusion because of the geographical location of the province of Macedonia , populated predominantly by Slavs ^[55] . According to this view, it is widely believed that all members of the Macedonian dynasty founded by him up to Basil II (867-1025) were of Armenian origin ^[57] . This theory is now dominant ^[58] . Her opponent was the Byzantinist G. A. Ostrogorsky ^[59] .

Some emperors in the 10th century had Roman origin — Roman I Lakapin (920–944) ^[60] and John I Tzimishiy (969–976) ^[61] . The Armenian origin of the Fock family, to which Emperor Nikifor II Fock (963–969) belonged, does not have sufficient confirmation ^[62] .

Aristocratic families

After the partition of Armenia in 387, Byzantium received, together with the territory, a corresponding part of the Armenian aristocracy, which entered military and civil service. A new influx of nobility occurred after the second partition of Armenia in 591 and the Arab conquest of Armenia in the 7th century. According to N. G. Adonts , “all Armenians who played a certain role in the Byzantine history almost entirely belonged to the estate of the Armenian nobility”. When considering the issue of belonging of historical figures to one or another noble surname, the difficulty lies in the fact that this point was not usually reflected in Greek sources ^[63] .

Numerous Byzantine aristocratic families were of Armenian origin, among them Lakapiny , Kurkuasy , Gavrasy , Zauttsy and many others whose representatives occupied high civil and military posts. For the period of the XI — XII centuries, the study of aristocratic families of Armenian origin was undertaken by A.P. Kazhdan . According to his classification, three categories of such families can be distinguished: those whose Armenian origin is indisputable, Armenian- Ivir and other families for which it is difficult to establish the origin ^[64] . According to A.P. Kazhdan’s estimate, made in the 1970s, for the period he considered the percentage of descendants of immigrants from Armenia ranged from 10 to 15% ^[65] . As a result of further research, N. Garsoyan considered such an assessment to be overestimated ^[66] . Along with the Armenian aristocracy, Byzantium is also distinguished as “Armenian-Ivir”, that is, one whose representatives the Byzantine sources call both Armenians and Ivirs. It is believed that with respect to these families, to which A.P. Kazhdan related Tornikov and Pakurianov , and N.G. Garsoyan also Fock , belonged to the Chalcedonian nobility of Iviria , whose ethnic origin could be different ^{[67] [68]} .

From VIII to X, the Armenian clan of Mosile gave a number of significant military leaders ^[69] . , “the father of our logootheta Drom, a wise philosopher and the completely incorruptible Patrician Thomas , is mentioned times in the chronicle of the Follower Theophan . The chronist also notes that this Constantine was friendly towards the future emperor Vasily I due to his Armenian origins ^{[70] [71]} . In the middle of the 9th century, Warda , the younger brother of Empress Theodora , an Armenian, possibly from the Mamikoyans, became the actual ruler of the Byzantine Empire. After the 9th century, information about Armenian aristocratic families became quite numerous. Among the Armenian families of the late Byzantine period, (X-XIII centuries) and their relatives Tornikov, who retained influence until the XIV century, can be called. The representative of the Tornikov family was the 11th century usurper ^[72] .

Culture and Science

Since the Roman era, information has been preserved on the philosophical sophist Armenian Proeresia ^[73] . In the Byzantine Empire, some representatives of science and culture of Armenian origin also became famous. In the 7th century, having studied in our country “all the literature of our Armenian people,” the Armenian geographer Anania Shirakatsi went to Byzantium to raise his education, in the words of French Byzantinist P. Lemerl , father of the exact sciences of Armenia. At first, he was going to learn from the mathematician Christosatura, about whom it is impossible to say for sure whether he was Armenian, somewhere in the province of Armenia IV. Then the countrymen advised him to go to Trabzon , where he lived knowledgeable in the sciences and, moreover, who knew the Armenian language , the scientist Tykhik. For eight years, Ananias studied with this Greek scholar, while translating Greek texts into Armenian. After completing his studies, Ananias returned to Armenia, where he began teaching, finding out with dismay that Armenians “do not like study and science” ^[74] . Regarding this story, reported by Ananias in his autobiography, various hypotheses are put forward - either that the young Armenians studying in Trebizond should then be consecrated , or the Greeks who Byzantium, as part of Armenian policy of the Emperor Heracli I, wanted to introduce into the course of Armenian affairs ^[75] .

Armenians played an important role in the cultural and intellectual life of Constantinople ^[76] . A native of Constantinople, to whom it is customary to attribute Armenian origin, was John Grammar - Patriarch of Constantinople in 837-843 and a famous iconoclast . The names of his brother (Arshavir) and father (Bagrat, in Greek sources - Pankratios) indicate a likely relationship with the Bagratuni and Kamsarakan dynasties ^[77] . Among the Byzantine Armenian scientists, the author of a famous monograph on Armenians in Byzantium, P. Haranis, names the patriarch of the 9th century Photius ^[78] , but in most modern sources the origin of this prominent religious figure and encyclopaedist is not specified due to the lack of information that has been preserved ^[79] . A prominent statesman Ward was a famous patron of science in the 9th century ^[80] . His friend and co-founder of the University of Constantinople was Leo the Mathematician , the nephew of John Grammar ^{[78] [81]} . Some sources report the Armenian ancestors of Joseph Genesius ^[82] . Such a statement is based on the likely Armenian origin of his grandfather, ^[83] , however, the family ties of Joseph Genesius and Konstantin Maniak are sometimes questioned ^[84] . Apparently, the writer of the 11th century Kekavmen , the author of the famous “Soviets and Stories,” containing not only military , but also everyday teachings, was also Armenian ^[85] . During the Palaeologovsky Revival, mathematician of Armenian origin Nikolai Artavazd worked ^[86] .

Although it is known about Armenian traders and representatives of other professions, the main occupation of Armenians in Byzantium, apparently, was military service ^[87] . Thanks to the information of the court historian Emperor Justinian I Procopius of Caesarea , the role of Armenians in the wars that this emperor led in Africa with vandals , in Italy with Ostrogoths and in the Middle East with the Sassanids is well known. In addition to the native Perso-Armenian Narses , who achieved significant success in the war with the Goths and in the wars with the Ants , Herul and Franks ^[88] , there are about 15 generals of Armenian origin in the army of Justinian ^[89] . The Byzantine garrison of Narses, localized in Italy, consisted mainly of Armenians and was called the numerus Armeniorum ^[90] . According to the information of the Armenian historian Sebeos , the Armenian element dominated the polyethnic army of the Emperor of Mauritius ^[91] : “ He ordered to transport everyone across the sea and unite them in the Thracian countries against the enemy. At the same time, he also commanded to collect all the Armenian cavalry, and princes naharars , powerful in the fight, skilled in both military and throwing spears. He also ordered that a strong army be withdrawn from Armenia a second time, selecting everyone for growth and hunting; arrange slender regiments of them, arm and send all to the Thracian country against enemies, appointing Musheg Mamikonyan their commander ” ^[92] . This march beyond the Danube ended in the defeat of the Byzantines and the death of Musheg. After that, in Armenia, two troops were recruited, with 1,000 riders in each, one of whom " frightened along the road and did not want to go to the place where the king demanded " ^{[93] [94]} . In general, according to the opinion of the 19th century historian KP Patkanov , beginning with the reign of Mauritius, Armenian commanders began to play an important role in the Greek army, attaining top command positions ^[94] .

Under Heraclius I, the significant role of the Armenians in the army was preserved, along with other Caucasian nations - Lazy , Abazgs and Iberians ^[94] . Theophanes the Confessor in connection with the campaign of Heraclius I against the Persians in 627/628 twice mentions the participation in this campaign of a detachment of Armenian cavalry under the command of turmarch George ^[95] . Under Heraclius, the Armenian Manuel was the prefect of Egypt . Some of the VII-century usurpers may have been Armenians - Vahan, proclaimed emperor before the battle of Yarmuk and the Opsikia Miziz comit , under the rule of Constant II (641-668) proclaimed by the emperor for his "goodness and grandeur" ^[96] . According to Michael the Syriac, his Armenian name was Mrzhe Gnuni , and his son John revolted against Constantine IV (668-685). After the Arabs had conquered Armenia, the Armenian troops were spared the need to fight co-religionists, since under the terms of the treaty concluded in 652, Armenian cavalry could not be deployed on the Syrian front ^[97] . About 750, Tachat Andzevatsi arrived in Byzantium and successfully fought in the wars of Constantine V against the Bulgarians , then he was a commander in the topic of Buchelaria ^[98] . A relative of Emperor Lev the Armenian , the commander made a successful military career during the life of his uncle, and after his murder he tried to join the rebellion of Thomas the Slav . Four of the emperors, from Michael I (811–813) to Theophilus (813–842), served as Michael amalekite in the rank of protostratora , stratiga Armeniakon and domestica schol ^[99] . In Nakharar (d. 934) entered the Byzantine service, known in Byzantine sources as Melia, possibly grandson of Varazhnunik ^[100] . In 908, Mlehu was entrusted with restoring Likand’s fortress and the garrisons in its vicinity. Many Armenians moved to this region. In 916 a fema was organized here, the army of which took part in the next disastrous battle with the Bulgarians ^[101] . Mlekh himself, " thanks to his loyalty to the basil of the Romans and many of his exploits against the Saracens to infinity, " was awarded the title of master ^[102] .

При формировании фемной военно-административной системы, фема Армениакон была создана одной из первых, однако датировка этого события является дискуссионным вопросом ^[103] . В VII веке к этой феме применялся эпитет «богохранимый императорский» ( др.-греч. θεοφύλακτος βασιλικός ), что указывало на особый «элитный» статус этого образования ^[104] . С конца IX века боеспособность и роль старых фем уменьшается ^[105] , их упадок продолжается до 1030-х годов ^[106] . В X столетии видным военным деятелем империи стал армянин Иоанн Куркуас , представитель рода Куркуасов ^[57] . Исходя из предположения, что воинский контингент Армениакона состоял в основном из армян и предполагая, что его величина составляла от 18 000 до 23 000 человек, можно предположить, что доля армян в Византийской армии IX—XI веков составляла около 20 % ^[107] .

При этом, однако, источники свидетельствуют о том, что армяне, в определённые периоды, составляли не самую дисциплинированную часть византийской армии. В анонимном военном трактате «De velitatione bellica», приписываемом императору Никифору II особо отмечается, что «армяне нехорошо и неосторожно исполняют должность караульных» ^[108] . Они часто дезертировали и не всегда исполняли приказы ^[109] . Во время битвы при Манцикерте (1071), завершившейся катастрофическим разгромом византийцев, армянская часть войска дезертировала ^[110] . Причины такой невысокой лояльности могут быть объяснены непрекращающимся давлением в религиозной сфере ^[111] .

Религиозные вопросы

В начале IV веке Армения приняла христианство и с тех пор церковь превратилась в могущественную организацию, роль которой особенно возрастала в периоды утраты государственной самостоятельности ^[112] . Армения не признала решений состоявшегося в 451 году вселенского Халкидонского собора , оторвавшись тем самым от церкви остальной части Византии. Хотя Армянская церковь принимала христологическую формулу Кирилла Александрийского , осуждение Халкидонского собора делало её с точки зрения Константинополя монофизитской , то есть еретической. В свою очередь, Армянская церковь считала сторонников Халкидонского собора несторианами , то есть сторонниками осуждённого Эфесским собором (431) ересиарха Нестория ^[113] . Поскольку государственная служба предполагала принятие государственной религии, большинство известных армян на службе империи были халкидонитами ^[114] .

Попытки восстановления церковного единства предпринимались в начале VII века, в IX веке патриархом Фотием и в XII веке по отношению к Киликийской Армении ^[115] . Так, например в середине IX века, накануне признания Халифатом и Византией самостоятельности Армянского царства , через патриарха Фотия империя подняла догматический вопрос, предлагая армянам принять халкидонизм. Созванный около 862 года Ширакаванский собор , возглавляемый католикосом Закарией I Дзагеци , отклонил это предложение ^{[116] [117]} . Межконфессиональные противоречия иногда обострялись до такой степени, что в середине X века армянский католикос Анания Мокаци обратился к царю Армении Абасу с просьбой запретить браки с халкидонитами ^[118] .

Преследования нехалкидонитов, армян и сирийцев , усилились в XI веке. В 1040 году обострились отношения между греками и сирийцами в Мелитене , на что константинопольский патриарх откликнулся осуждением браков между православными и монофизитами. В 1063 году Константин X Дука приказал покинуть Мелитену всем, не признающим Халкидонский собор, а несколько месяцев спустя были сожжены богослужебные книги сирийских и армянских церквей. В 1060 году католикос и несколько епископов были вызваны в Константинополь и насильно удерживались до 1063 года ^[119] . Догматический вопрос снова обострился в XII веке при католикосе Нерсесе IV Шнорали . Созванный в 1179 году католикосом Григором IV церковный собор осудил крайности монофизитства, но отверг учение о двух волях, двух воздействиях, утвердив толкование Армянской Церкви о единой ипостаси Бога Слово воплощенного. По выражению Вардана Великого « Желали единения двух народов: Греков и Армян; но предприятие не удалось, как то можно видеть в подробных повествованиях историков » ^[120] .

Еретическое христианское течение павликиан , зародившееся в VI или VII веке, распространилось по заселённым армянами регионам Византии. Вероятно, армяне составляли большинство среди последователей этого учения, само название которого имеет армянское происхождение. Павликиане постоянно подвергались преследованиям, основанное ими государство в Западной Армении было уничтожено императором Василием I в 872 году, при этом было уничтожено более 100 тысяч сектантов ^[121] .

Отношения с другими этносами

Вместе с евреями и итальянцами армяне являлись одной из трех экономически наиболее состоятельных групп Византийской империи ^[76] . Автор «Historical Dictionary of Byzantium» Дж. Россер отмечает, что армяне стали наиболее адаптированной этнической группой в Византии, которые, в то же самое время, сохраняли свою самобытную литературу, религию и искусство ^[122] .

Некоторые исторические источники свидетельствуют об определённом недоверии и даже предрассудках византийцев по отношению к армянам. Многие византийские писатели считали необходимым указать, что те или иные видные лица империи армяне или армянского происхождения ^[76] . О том, что напряжённость в отношениях между армянами и греками была вызвана не только религиозными разногласиями, свидетельствует эпиграмма IX века, приписываемая монахине Кассии , где говорится, что «армянский род — ужаснейший» ^{[123] [124]} . В 967 году, как сообщает византийский историк Лев Диакон , «произошло побоище между жителями Виза́нтия и армянами» ^{[125] [126]} . Пример враждебного отношения между греческим и армянским населением империи хорошо известен на примере армянской колонии около города Абидоса . Недовольство местных греков было вызвано, вероятно, переселением сюда армян из других областей после отвоевания Иоанном II Комнином в 1138 году Аназарба у крестоносцев . Когда после падения Константинополя в 1204 году Генрих I Фландрский переправился в Малую Азию с целью продолжить завоевания для Латинской империи , абидосские армяне помогли ему взять город. Затем Генрих доверил им защиту города, а уходя из Малой Азии армяне последовали за ним. В хронике Виллардуэна сообщается, что во Фракию переселилось 20 000 армян, где их настигла месть греков ^[127] . По мнению историка Ж. Лорана («Les origines medievales de la question Armenienne», 1920) этот пример отражает общее отношение армян к империи, поскольку они не подвергались эллинизации , как другие народы империи, но сохраняли свою культурную и религиозную идентичность. По мнению этого же автора армяне предали Византию перед лицом вторжения сельджуков , поспособствовав тем самым их успеху. Впрочем, это мнение английский историк С. Рансиман назвал «фантастической бессмыслицей» ( англ. fantastic nonsense ) ^[128] . Известно, что именно из-за захватнической политики Визнатийской империи армянское царство было уничтожено , что в свою очередь способствовало более беспрепятственному продвижению сельджуков в сторону Малой Азии и дальнейшему захвату самой Византии. В свою очередь армянский автор середины XIII века Вардан Великий считал, что слово «щедрый» на языке греков вообще не существует ^[56] .

Некоторые исследователи отмечают, что средневековые образы этносов не бывают идеологически нейтральным, и могут быть инструментом формирования той или иной заданной идеи. Такие исторические «образы» иногда могут трансформировать историческую реальность ^[129] .

Чрезвычайно значительно влияние культуры Византии на становление армянской средневековой культуры . В наиболее заметной форме это проявилось в отношении литературы, где на армянскую литературу оказывалось влияние как со стороны непосредственно византийской , так и сформированной в значительной степени под её влиянием сирийской литературы . С греческого языка переводилась богословская литература, научные труды из всех областей средневекового знания. В результате работы многих поколений переводчиков так называемой « грекофильской школы » армянский читатель получил доступ не только к произведениям классической философской мысли, но и были созданы оригинальные труды. По замечанию Н. Я. Марра , в VII—VIII образованное армянское общество было увлечено философией. Неоплатоник Давид Анахт писал и читал лекции на греческом языке ^[131] . Одновременно с этим в армянский язык было привнесено множество заимствований из греческого языка, вошедших затем и в новоармянский язык. Греческая культура была доступна прежде всего духовенству, но известны и светские поклонники античной культуры в Армении, например учёный XI века Григор Магистрос ^[132] . В то же время известно воздействие культуры армян на византийскую культуру ^[133] . Известный арменовед Р. М. Бартикян отмечает существенный армянский элемент в византийском эпосе о Дигенисе Акрите , многие из предков которого имели армянское происхождение ^[134] .

В области изготовления изделий из серебра византийское влияние на армянское ювелирное искусство впервые обратил внимание французский арменист XIX века . В дальнейшем эта мысль была развита в работах Г. Овсепяна, С. Тер-Нерсесян , А. Курданяна, А. Хачатряна и Н. Степаняна. Тем не менее, согласно А. Я. Каковкину , большинство армянских памятников среброделия в XI—XV веках свидетельствуют, несмотря на наличие точек соприкосновения, о ярком своеобразии и независимости от греческих произведений ^[135] . Помимо ювелирного искусства, византийские элементы (например, мотив Деисуса ^[136] ) вошли и в другие отрасли изобразительного искусства Армении , в частности, миниатюру ^[137] . Византийское влияние становится наиболее заметно в миниатюрах Киликийской Армении конца XII—начала XIII веков ^[138] .

В скульптурах же Армении влияние со стороны Византии заметно значительно меньше: каменные скульптуры в Византии не были широко распространены, поскольку в основном здесь пользовались кирпичными строениями. С. Дер-Нерсисян считает, что, наоборот, можно найти следы влияния армянской скульптуры в Византии, особенно в памятниках Греции, Македонии и Фракии. Наиболее ранние примеры находятся в Беотии — в церкви Григория Назианзина в Фивах 872 года и в церкви Пресвятой Богородицы в Скрипу 874 года, в рельефах которых встречаются типичные для армянских скульптур мотивы птиц и животных, заключённых в медальоны ^[140] . Тем не менее, византийские мотивы «императорских орлов» можно найти в скульптурах Звартноца ^[139] . Вопрос о взаимосвязях в области архитектуры достаточно сложен. В начале XX века на примере Ереруйкской базилики Н. Я. Марр указал на влияние в V—VI веках на армянскую архитектуру со стороны византийской в то время Сирии. В дальнейшем И. А. Орбели писал, что «первые архитектурные памятники (почти единственное наследие древнейшего христианского искусства Армении) носят чисто сирийский характер» ^[141] . Неоднократно к этому вопросу обращался А. Л. Якобсон , указывавший на примере Ереруйской и наличие общих черт с сирийскими сооружениями — наличие башен по сторонам от входа, галереи с портиками вдоль северной и южной сторон храмов ^[142] . Черты сирийской архитектуры этот исследователь обнаруживает и в светских постройках — дворцах в Двине и Аруче ^[143] . Полемизируя с А. Л. Якобсоном, С. Х. Мнацаканян указывает на возможное влияние армянских крестово-купольных храмов , к числу которых он отнёс Эчмиадзинский монастырь , на формирование средневизантийского крестово-купольного зодчества ^[144] . Византийские черты обнаруживают также у построенного в начале 640-х годов, во время византийской оккупации Армении, храма Звартноц . Однако, как отмечает американский специалист по армянской архитектуре , конкретные черты этого сходства практически не исследовались ^[145] . Ряд исследователей отмечают, что переселение армян в западные области Византии оставило след на архитектуру региона. Ещё в 1899 году Огюст Шуази обращал внимание на влияние армянской архитектуры на Балканах, в особенности в Сербии ^[146] . Встречающиеся в Сербии узоры розы , уникальные для своего региона, иногда объясняются связями с армянской, грузинской или исламской архитектурой ^[147] . Контакты с армянской архитектурой замечаются в планах церквей Святой Софии в Охриде , Пресвятой Богородицы в Скрипу, в кирпичной кладке в Плиске ^[148] . К концу XIII века, по-видимому под влиянием из Армении или Грузии, значительно меняются архитектурные традиции высокогорных областей Малой Азии ^[149] . Французский историк искусства Габриэль Милле, указывая на важные различия в церквях Греции и Константинополя, утверждал, что зодчество Греции больше вдохновлялось анатолийской и армянской архитектурой, чем константинопольской ^[146] . Согласно Йозефу Стржиговскому византийская архитектура в XI веке переняла ряд характерных черт армянской архитектуры, однако его взгляды остаются спорными ^[150] . К. Туманов отмечает, что армянские архитекторы обладали международным признанием ^[151] . Так, например, известно, что один из самых известных архитекторов своего времени ^[76] , армянский архитектор Трдат выполнил работы по восстановлению повреждённого в результате землетрясения купола Софийского собора в Константинополе ^[152] . В дальнейшем этот же зодчий построил Анийский собор . Исследования, произведённые на куполе Софийского собора обнаружили некоторые особенности в применённых армянским специалистом конструкционных решениях, однако не известны примеры их применения в других византийских храмах. Армянские постройки Трдата также не приобрели существенных черт, характерных для архитектуры Константинополя ^[153] .

Первичные источники

• Ованес Драсханакертци . История Армении / Перевод с древнеармянского М. О. Дарбинян-Меликян. - Yer. , 1984.
• Всеобщая история Степаноса Таронскаго Асолика по прозванию: писателя XI столетия / Перевед. с армянскаго и объяснена Н. Эминым. — М. : Типогр. Лазарев. Инст. восточ. языков, 1864.
• Повествование вардапета Аристакэса Ластиверци / Пер. с древнеарм., вступ. ст., коммент. и прил. К. Н. Юзбашяна. — М. : «Наука» , Главная ред. восточной литературы, 1968. — 194 с. — (Памятники пис'менности востока (Том 15)).
• Константин Багрянородный . Об управлении империей / Под редакцией Г. Г. Литаврина и А. П. Новосельцева . — М. : Наука, 1991. — 496 с. — ISBN 5-02-008637-1 .
• Продолжатель Феофана . Жизнеописания византийских царей / изд подготовил Любарский Я. Н.. — 2 изд.. — Спб.: « Алетейя », 2009. — 400 с. - (Byzantine library. Sources). — ISBN 978-5-91419-146-4 .
• Прокопий Кесарийский . Война с готами // Прокопий Кесарийский. Война с готами. О постройках / Пер. С. П. Кондратьев . — М. : Арктос, 1996. — 167 с. — ISBN 5-85551-143-X .
• Себеос . История императора Иракла. — Спб., 1862. — 216 с.
• Феофан Исповедник . Летопись византийца Феофана от Диоклетиана до царей Михаила и сына его Феофилакта. — М. , 1884.
• Феофилакт Симокатта . История / Перевод С. П. Кондратьева . — Изд-во АН СССР, 1957. — 222 с. - 3500 copies
• Всеобщая история Вардана Великого / пер. Н. Эмина. — М. , 1861.
• Хронографическая история, составленная отцом Мехитаром, вардапетом Айриванкским / пер. К. Патканова. - SPb. 1869.

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