Rauti, Pinot

Mussolini Guard

From childhood imbued with the ideas of fascism . At the age of 17, he joined the Republic of Salo and joined the National Republican Guard. After the final fall of the Mussolini regime on April 25, 1945 , he was imprisoned for some time. Released in 1947 , moved to Rome .

He joined the illegal fascist group Fascia of Revolutionary Action, which was trying to launch an anti-communist civil war in Italy. Then he joined the neo-fascist party Italian Social Movement ( MSI ) and its youth organizations. He worked in the party youth magazine La Sfida .

A radical start at MSI

Pinot Rauti insisted on a radical compliance with the fascist principles in the ideology and aesthetics of "direct action" . This led to a conflict with party leaders, especially moderate supporters of Arturo Mikelini , who tried to integrate MSI into the parliamentary system of the republic.

We were neither a conservative force, nor an offshoot of socialism. We had our own philosophy, concrete and original - our idea of ​​life ... Capitalism and socialism are our mortal enemies, incompatible with what inspires us.
Pinot Rauti

He actively collaborated with Julius Evola , developing philosophical concepts of neo-fascism. In January 1950, Rauti was among the founders of the theoretical journal Imperium . He participated in public debates with the Italian Communist Party , among the polemic opponents of Pino Rauti was Enrico Berlinguer . At one time, Rauti sought mutual understanding with the communists on a common radical platform.

Dialogue with the Communists was a way to break out of the logic of confrontation, which allowed Christian Democrats to act as a stronghold against extremists on both sides. The riots frightened society, as the prospect of a civil war loomed behind them. I thought that I would find good arguments for left-wing youth. Criticism of capitalism, Americanism, and Atlantism created a possible common language.
Pinot Rauti

On November 16, 1950 , two explosions occurred in Rome on the premises of leftist organizations. Three weeks later, Pinot Rauti with a group of Imperium employees was arrested on charges of having connections with the "black underground."

March 12, 1951 bombs were blown up in the Italian Foreign Ministry, the US Embassy and the diplomatic mission of the SFRY (this was the period of the Italo-Yugoslav conflict over the territory of Trieste ). New arrests took place, Evola was in prison. The police found that Imperium was printed in the same printing house as the leaflets of the Black Legion terrorist organization. Relations between the magazine, Fascia and the Legion were established, but failed to prove the involvement of journalists - including Pinot Rauti - in the attacks. The defendants were acquitted and released by idols of nationalist youth.

Establishment of a Research Center

At the 1952 MSI Congress in L'Aquile, Rauti advocated Evola's ideas. He and his supporters received the ironic nickname Figli del Sole - "Children of the Sun", reflecting their ideological intransigence. Most of the congress remained behind the moderate wing of Mikelini, although Rauti was elected to the leading party body.

Disagreements with management prompted Rauti to resign in November 1953 . On November 15, 1953 , a preliminary constituent meeting of the “Center for Research of the New Order” ( Centro Studi Ordine Nuovo , CSON ) was held. This structure played an important role in the development of the neo-fascist movement, especially its ideological evolution.

Ordine Nuovo Doctrine

CSON developments synthesized the ideas of Evola, the fascist doctrines of Mussolini, Gentile , Stadler , German Nazism (especially the Strasser version), the philosophical principles of Ernst Jünger , the teachings of Rene Guenon , the views of Corneliu Codrian , the geopolitical developments of Möller van den Brook . A great contribution to the creation of the doctrine of radical neo-fascism was made by Pinot Rauti himself, who adapted the fascist experience to the realities of our time.

The basic foundations of Ordine Nuovo's ideology included corporate collectivism and idealistic activism . The primacy of the nationalist state and the joint corporation paradoxically combined with the individualistic cult of an active strong personality. Economic concepts as a whole were based on the principles of syndicalism and categorically rejected the “financial-materialistic” approaches of liberals and Marxists . The geopolitics of the “New Order” presupposed the formation of a united fascist Europe, opposing the liberal USA and the communist USSR .

Anti-communism and anti-liberalism were seen as two sides of the same struggle - an idealistic understanding of the world and man against the materialistic "forces of evil." The conservative reaction of the “old type”, incompatible with revolutionary trends and ultra-right aesthetics, was considered as the third opponent. An important place in political methodology was occupied by assault violence.

After the defeat of 1945, anti-fascist propaganda constantly attacked us. The whole world took up arms against us. But we were more than that. Those who even knew a little fascism found in it a source of pride and will to continue the struggle.
Pinot Rauti

A research center founded by Rauti is seen as anticipating the future terrorist organization New Order ^{[1] by} Pierluigi Concutelli . The concepts of Rauti and his associates had a serious impact on the development of the European “new right” ^[2] .

In November 1956, at the MSI congress in Milan, Arturo Michelini again won re-election as national secretary. Rauti’s attempts to prevent another moderate success - relying on “researchers of a new order” and the left-wing populist wing — yielded no results. The neo-fascist radicals left the party. Among those who left the MSI were Pinot Rauti, Clemente Graziani, Paolo Signorelia, Stefano Delle Chiaye ^[3] - founder of the National Avant-Garde ( AN ) military movement in 1960 .

Mikelini and his supporters integrated MSI into the Italian parliamentary system. In general, they walked in the wake of the right wing of the ruling Christian democrats - at the cost of abandoning the important ideological and political installations of neo-fascism. This outraged many party members. Therefore, the views of the released radicals were widely popular in the party. Youth organizations, especially the student association FUAN , were most committed to them. In leadership, the leader of these forces was Giorgio Almirante , with whom Pino Rauti maintained close contact.

In May 1965 , a conference of ultra-right organizations was held at the Roman hotel Parco Dei Principi with the participation of representatives of the military special services and business circles. The main figures of the event were Pinot Rauti, Stefano Delle Chiaye and Guido Giannettini . Delle Chiaye had AN forces ready for action, Giannettini represented ultra-right-wing army circles (sponsoring the conference), Rauti formulated ideological principles. The main topic of his report was counteraction to the communist threat ^[4] . They discussed plans to launch a “revolutionary war” ^[5] against communism and a liberal state. The Parco Dei Principi conference outlined a strategy of tension for the coming decades and a half.

On March 1, 1968 , the Battle of Valle Giulia took place, in which the main role was played by fighters AN and activists of FUAN-Caravella . On March 16, 1968, university clashes continued between neo-fascists and leftists . The far-right demonstrated their mobilization and operational capabilities.

In 1969 , several major terrorist attacks took place in Italy, culminating in the December "massacre of the Piazza Fontana" - a series of bombings in Milan. In the winter of 1969 - in the spring of 1970, the young fighters MSI and AN held several military actions, mass fights with communists and ultra-left in various cities of Italy. In the summer of 1970 , the Reggio Calabria Uprising broke out, in which MSI, FUAN, AN also actively appeared. The strategy proposed by Parco Dei Principi, apparently, began to be implemented.

The failure occurred in December 1970, when a key element was disrupted - a military coup planned by the ultra-right and the establishment of a regime similar to the Greek "black colonels" . (As a correspondent for the extreme right-wing publication Il Tempo, Pino Rauti visited Greece in 1967 , contacted Greek secret services, and organized trips and trainings of Italian neo-fascists. ^[6]

On March 4, 1972, a Treviso city ​​court issued an arrest warrant for Pinot Rauti ^[7] on charges of involvement in the bombings on August 8 and 9, 1969. The indictment also included involvement in the “Piazza Fontana massacre” that opened the Lead Seventies . Years later, the bombing charge in Brescia in 1974 (terrorist attack against anti-fascist demonstration) was added ^[8] . For this episode, Rauti was convicted only in 2008 , but acquitted in 2010 ^[9] .

This is the third time that they accuse me of murder. Either Fountain Square, then the station in Bologna . In both cases, I was completely acquitted. Now Brescia ... This is a political persecution for ideas, it needs the centrists. Today, as then, the situation in Italy is not brilliant. We have to roll the dice to the so-called public opinion, find the extreme left and extreme right, and even "mass murderers". The ravings of some judges begin ^[10] .
Pinot Rauti

In 1974 , after the Portuguese Revolution , Rauti's work was revealed in the international agency Aginter Press , whose documents contained an installation for terrorist attacks “under the guise of communist activity” ^[11] - despite the fact that the responsibility for the “Piazza Fontana massacre” was originally vested in the ultra-left. In 1968–1969, Rauti’s contacts with the leader of Aginter Press, Yves Guerin-Serac and anarcho-fascist ^[12] Mario Merlino ^[13] , the closest ally of Delle Chiae, who was also accused of the “Piazza Fontana massacre,” but subsequently completely acquitted ^[14], were noted. However, none of the specific allegations could be proved. Rauti was released.

The death of Arturo Mikelini in June 1969 led to the return to the post of national secretary of MSI Giorgio Almirante. On July 10, 1969, Pinot Rauti reinstated MSI membership. In the 1972 election, Rauti was elected to the parliament from a neo-fascist party.

Initially, Rauti actively supported Almirante, but soon became convinced that the radicalism of the national secretary manifests itself mainly in rhetoric, while in practical politics Almirante is largely guided by pragmatism. Rauti led the Futura Line radical faction, Line of the Future (“Rautians”), at MSI. In his ideology and propaganda there was a noticeable shift to the left. A bet was made on populist speeches not only under anti-communist, but also anti-bourgeois slogans. This course has met with a positive response in the socially problematic regions of southern Italy.

We must take on the social aspect of the protest alternative ... A shift to the left should convince the protesters: the real revolution is ours.
Pinot Rauti

Youth organizations remained the support of the “Rautians”, for whom creative projects were put forward — such as the creation of suburban “hobbit camps”, environmental groups, and mobile research centers. His campaign for the restoration of the death penalty in Italy somewhat undermined the popularity of Rauti in this environment.

At the same time, at the party forums, the “Rautians” were forced to support Almirante, since the more moderate conservatives Ernesto De Marzio and Giovanni Roberty acted as their real alternative.

At the 1979 MSI congress in Naples , historical assessments of fascism came to the forefront of discussion. The traditional fascist Pinot Romualdi insisted on qualifying the fascist experience as the doctrinal basis of the party. Pinot Rauti and his supporters emphasized the revolutionary, anti-bourgeois, collectivist tendency in fascism. The victory was won by the tandem of Almirante-Romualdi, but Rauti's great influence on the most active groups of party members was noted.

Pinot Rauti was a clear political and cultural landmark for those right-wingers who wanted and could speak in new ways. Ecology, voluntariness, civil rights are becoming central issues of the modern political agenda ^[15] .

In the early 1980s, Pinot Rauti continued to focus on social issues, environmentalism, anti-Sovietism and anti-Americanism in foreign policy. He drew attention to the problems of marginalized groups of Italian society and Third World countries. The Rautians actively worked on creating a network of youth “party schools”, clubs, cinemas, and discos. Rauti's cultural situationalism reached such proportions that they began to accuse him of “being separated from the origins of fascism” as a traditionalist movement.

Short Leadership

In 1987, Giorgio Almirante resigned as MSI National Secretary. Pinot Rauti nominated himself. However, at the congress in Sorrento , Almirante's successor was the former leader of the youth organization Gianfranco Fini .

Rauti defeated Fini at the 1990 Rimini Congress. As the national secretary of MSI, observing the rise of the French National Front Le Pen , Rauti brought to the center of his policy an anti-immigrant motive, criticism of ethno-pluralism . He even supported the “West-West” line in the Gulf War . Such a course discouraged many of Rauti's supporters, who expected him to have dynamic radicalism. Requirements to limit immigration did not attract wide support - this issue in Italy was not as acute as in France.

The defeat of MSI in the regional elections in Sicily , where the party traditionally enjoyed considerable influence (less than 5%, a nearly two-fold drop), gave Gianfranco Fini an occasion to demand an early party congress. Rauti resigned. Feeney was re-elected as National Secretary, preparing the cardinal transformation of MSI.

Fiamma Tricolore

At the 1995 Fiuggi congress , the neo-fascist Italian social movement was transformed into a national-conservative National Alliance led by Gianfranco Fini. This decision was criticized by veterans (their mouthpiece was the widow of the historical leader Assunt Almirante ). For Pinot Rauti, who remained committed to the former radical ideology, this was a crushing defeat. Fini's course he called "the denial of their own history" ^[16] .

Раути учредил партию Movimento Sociale Fiamma Tricolore или Fiamma Tricolore ( Социальное движение — Трёхцветное пламя ). Партия позиционировалась как продолжатель неофашистской традиции Ромуальди и Альмиранте. Однако она не достигла успехов в конкуренции с Национальным альянсом за правый электорат. Вступив в коалицию с правопопулистским движением Сильвио Берлускони , Фини сумел занять нишу «правее правого центра». Единственным заметным успехом Fiamma Tricolore стало избрание в сенат сицилийского адвоката Луиджи Карузо.

В то же время Fiamma Tricolore длительное время оставалось наиболее структурированной и активной ультраправой партией Италии. Но её влияние, особенно в общенациональном масштабе, было невелико. В 1997 Раути безуспешно баллотировался в мэры Рима. В 2001 произошёл раскол с Карузо, который переориентировался на Берлускони. Ряд активистов во главе с Люкой Романьоли настаивал на менее идеологизированном и более прагматичном курсе ^[17] .

В конце 2003 Раути намеревался включить Fiamma Tricolore в коалицию Социальная альтернатива — с Социальным действием Алессандры Муссолини , Новой силой Роберто Фиоре , Социальным национальным фронтом Адриано Тильгера . Однако уже в январе 2004 он отказался участвовать в этом проекте, дабы не выступать в роли «такси в Европу для Алессандры Муссолини». Показательно, что убеждённый фашист не усмотрел во внучке дуче принципиальной единомышленницы:

Моя партия объединяет тех, кто Чёрный. Я думал к выборам собрать под нашим символом все группы инакомыслящих. Но вместо этого… лишь римские салюты и взывания к дуче ^[18] .

Ещё в октябре 2003 суд Рима удовлетворил иск ряда членов партии, оспоривших избрание Пино Раути на председательский пост. 31 января 2004 Романьоли поднял вопрос об исключении Раути из партии. 29 февраля 2004 Пино Раути был исключён из Fiamma Tricolore.

Движение социальной идеи

Последней партией, в которой Пино Раути состоял и которую возглавлял, стало Движение социальной идеи , созданное в 2004 . Идейные основы создали прежние установки «Центра исследований Нового порядка» и «Линии будущего». Партия малочисленна и практически невлиятельна. Максимальным результатом на выборах было 0,5 % в 2005 , но тогда она выступала в соглашении с Домом свобод Берлускони. Кроме того, и здесь возникли внутрипартийные противоречия между сторонниками союза с Берлускони и сторонниками самостоятельного курса Раути.

В марте 2007 партия Раути заключила договор об избирательном союзе ( Patto d'Azione — Пакт действий) с «Социальным действием» Муссолини, «Новой силой» Фиоре и организацией Volontari Nazionali (« Национальные добровольцы », структура, происходящая из силовых подразделений Итальянского социального движения). Через некоторое время к пакту присоединился Социальный национальный фронт Тильгера. Была вновь символически зафиксирована попытка консолидации ультраправых. Однако проект Patto d'Azione не получил развития, поскольку Алессандра Муссолини сделала выбор в пользу союза с Берлускони и вступила в его партию.

В 2008 Движение социальной идеи выступало на выборах в блоке с «Новой силой». Во втором туре Пино Раути поддержал кандидатуру своего зятя Джованни Алеманно , который был избран мэром Рима от движения Берлускони.

Глубокую скорбь в связи с кончиной Пино Раути 2 ноября 2012 выразили такие деятели, как Ассунта Альмиранте (с которой покойный находился в дружеских отношениях) ^[19] и Джанфранко Фини (чьим непримиримым противником он являлся) ^[20] .

На похоронах Пино Раути резкой обструкции подвергся Джанфранко Фини. Собравшиеся обвиняли его в предательстве и сравнивали с маршалом Бадольо , организовавшим в 1943 свержение и арест Муссолини ^[21] .

Дочь Пино Раути — Изабелла — жена Джованни Алеманно, в молодости активного неофашиста, участника нападений на советское посольство ^[22] , впоследствии сторонника Фини и министра в кабинете Берлускони. В 2008 — 2013 Алеманно был мэром Рима.

Изабелла также активно участвует в политике. В разное время она состояла в MSI и Fiamma Tricolore, затем, вместе с мужем, в Национальном альянсе и Народе свободы Берлускони. Избиралась в региональный совет Лацио . В июне 2013 министр внутренних дел Италии Анджелино Альфано назначил Изабеллу Раути своим советником по борьбе с насилием в отношении женщин ^[23] .

Пино Раути называли «тихим конторщиком с душой поджигателя» ^[24] или «чёрным Грамши ».

По словам Джованни Алеманно, Пино Раути был единственным правым политиком, которому посвятила специальное эссе советская « Литературная газета » ^[25] .

Пино Раути никогда не занимал правительственных постов, в парламенте был рядовым депутатом. Во главе MSI он стоял короткое время на этапе угасания и не отличился успехами. Fiamma Tricolore и тем более Движение социальной идеи остались фактически маргинальными структурами. Раути не возглавлял сильной партии, не влиял на государственные решения (как Альмиранте), не располагал оперативными боевыми группами (как Делле Кьяйе), не являлся крупным террористом (как Конкутелли). В то же время Пино Раути — видная фигура итальянской политической истории XX века.

Это объясняется ведущей ролью Раути как идеолога неофашизма. Концептуальные разработки Центра Ordine Nuovo, его собственные воззрения создали доктринальный комплекс, так или иначе включающий практически все направления неофашистской мысли — от ультраконсерватизма (Фиоре) до анархо-фашизма (Мерлино). Многие крайне правые деятели считают Пино Раути своим учителем, даже если имели с ним конкретные политические противоречия.

• Франко Фреда
• Джорджио Альмиранте
• Артуро Микелини
• Пьерлуиджи Конкутелли
• Стефано Делле Кьяйе
• Гвидо Джаннеттини
• Люка Романьоли

• Antonio Carioti. Gli orfani di Salò. Mursia, 2008, Milano