Rallys, Dimitrios

Surname Rallis - not of Greek origin. Crusaders who settled on the Peloponnese after the fall of Constantinople in 1204 are considered the ancestors of the clan. The original surname Raul was gradually Hellenized and transformed into the surname Rallis, which we have been meeting since the 15th century among the Byzantine aristocracy of the Peloponnese . Dimitrios Rallis was born in Athens in 1844. His father was Georgios Rallis (1804–1883), a lawyer and legislator, chairman of the Areopagus (Supreme Court), professor and rector of the University of Athens , who became the Minister of Justice several times. Dimitrios Rallis studied law at the University of Athens. During the years of absolutism of the Bavarian king Otto I , Rallis took part in anti-monarchist speeches, despite the fact that his father was a minister in the royal government of Athanasius Miaulis . To move away from these events, he continued his studies in Paris , where he wrote a doctoral dissertation on the topic "Marine Loans" (1866), which allowed him to return to Athens in 1868 to become a professor of Commercial Law . Four years later (1872) he was first elected to the parliament from Attica . Subsequently, he received the nickname " Attikarhis " (Greek Αττικάρχης - free translation of the "Leader of Attica"), since he was constantly elected from this constituency. Rallis was a political opponent of Dimitrios Vulgaris and joined the party of Harilaos Trikupis , after its formation in 1875 . He accepted the portfolio of the Minister of Church Affairs and Education in the government of Trikupis ^[1] . Although Rallis was a good speaker, his hot-tempered character twice led to the resolution of conflicts in a duel - with Laconia deputy Georgi Petropoulakis and (future) Prime Minister Konstantopoulos .

In 1883, Trikupis was entrusted to him by the Ministry of Justice . But a year later, Rallis chose to become independent and created his “Third Party” (Greek Τρίτο Κόμμα) or simply “Third” (Greek Τρίτον), which corresponded to his political ambitions. However, his political calculations were violated by King George . In 1892, after the resignation of the government of Theodoros Diliiannis , the king called on the Third Party to form a government, but bypassed Rallis in favor of Konstantopoulos , which led to the departure of Rallis himself and most of the deputies from the party. Rallis was in opposition to Trikupis in 1892 and was accepted by the Ministry of Finance in the government of Sotiropoulos after the bankruptcy of the country in 1893 . But the government of Sotiropoulos did not succeed and fell in October of that year. Trikupis came to power again.

Greece has overgrown with debts since the beginning of the War of Independence and has been a debtor of foreign capital for a century ^[2] . In the period 1879-1890, Greece received 6 new loans, in the amount of 630 million drams. In fact, Greece received only 459 million, since loans were provided 25% −30% below the nominal value. Most of the money went to purchase weapons and pay interest on previous loans. 100 million remained at the disposal, most of which went to closing budget holes. There was no money for development. As a result, debt continued to grow despite a doubling of taxation between 1873–1893. By the end of the period, debt absorbed a third of revenue. Trikupis could not get a new loan and he cut off the percentage of loan repayments by 70%. This worried bondholders. Trikupis was a great reformer who did a lot for the development of the country. But the people are best known for their historical phrase “unfortunately we went bankrupt” (1893) ^[2] . The British bondholders were restrained, but the German demanded the creation of an international committee to control Greek finances. In addition to the “personal hatred” of the German Kaiser for the Greek monarch, the position of the German capitalists, the holders of Greek bonds, who lost large sums of money during this bankruptcy, was more significant. The most influential of them was the personal banker of the Kaiser, a Jew Bleichroder ^[2] . The English historian D. Dakin writes that Trikupis overestimated the possibilities of the Greek economy, despite the positive aspects of its reforms. He writes that it was obvious that Greece did not have the means to follow a dynamic foreign policy, against the policies of the powers ^[3] . G. Roussos writes that those who acquired Greek bonds before 1897 and sold them after the ensuing war and the establishment of international control over Greece made huge fortunes. Among them were not only German bankers and the Kaiser, but also Greek bankers and members of the Greek royal family.

Wilhelm II (the German Emperor) married his sister Sophia to Prince Constantine and was in a hurry to put him on the throne of Greece as a Germanophile, instead of George I ^[2] . The anti-Hellenism of the Kaiser was explained by its policy in the southeast, which aimed at the inviolability of the Ottoman Empire and its strengthening in the interests of the 2nd Reich. The Cretan rebellion became an occasion for the Kaiser to show his Turkophilism to the Sultan ^[2] . In addition, the Kaiser had a personal hatred of his relative, the Greek king. In turn, Georg, who came from the Danish dynasty and remembered that Germany in 1862 robbed his parents of two provinces, responded to him with the same feelings. With the onset of the crisis in Crete, the Kaiser declared: “This little king is constantly facing his nephew, the Russian Tsar. To his son-in-law, Prince of Wales. To the emperor of Austria and to republican France. He does not even look at me, the brother of his daughter-in-law, the most powerful of the monarchs! Who is he in the end? ”(Georg was married to Russian Princess Olga . Edward VII was married to George’s sister Alexander ^[2] English Prime Minister Salisbury, Robert was against the union of Crete with Greece, but old Victoria (Queen of Great Britain) wanted to help Greece, supported by his son Edward, daughter Alexandra and daughter of the former German Empress Augusta ( Victoria of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha (Empress of Germany) ) Greek Princess mother and the future Queen Sofia . Victoria gave Kaiser, she was horrified to coarse language, which he applies in relation to a country where his sister lives. "

With the end of the Greek Revolution in 1829, Crete , which remained under Ottoman control, constantly rebelled. By the end of the 80s, another uprising was brewing and the “Cretan Committee” developed its activities in the territory of the Greek kingdom . Trikupis tried not to aggravate relations with the "Powers" and the Ottoman Empire. Dimitrios Rallis, the “temperamental demagogue,” as Dakin calls him, branded shame on the position of Trikupis and the royal court. Dilijannis, who came to power in 1890, also tried to muffle the activity of the “Cretan Committee” in the kingdom ^[3] . In December 1895, the Turks were appointed ruler of Turkhan, and the “committee” was transformed into a “revolutionary assembly”. Meanwhile, the “committee” began to receive the support of the secret organization Ethnic Eteria , which was also preparing uprisings in Macedonia and Epirus . Etheria was supported by the opposition, in particular Rallis, who put pressure on the government of Diliiannis accusing him of not supporting the Cretans and not paying due attention to the army ^[3] . In the activities of Eteria, which was created in 1894 and remained a secret until 1896, historians have not received an answer to the fact that by the end of its existence an ardent Germanophile led the organization, and another member of the board had secret connections with the German General Staff. The king was informed about the activities of Etheria and demonstrated to the officers that it was not the throne, but politicians that hindered the activity of Etheria, which, as T. Gerosisis writes, “was to a certain extent true” ^[4] . Victor Dusmanis , in his memoirs, described the opposition of 1897, led by Rallis, as "a gang of speculators of the Fatherland, proceeding from the individual interests of self-proclaimed patriots ." The Marxist J. Kordatos, in his History of Modern Greece, argues that it is likely that German agents went directly to Rallis during this period.

In response to Turkish persecution, the "committee" began to act. On May 6/18, 1896, 1,600 Turkish soldiers were surrounded at Vamos . In response, the Turks began the massacre in Chania . The Greek government was inactive. After the landing of new Turkish troops, volunteers and weapons from Greece began to arrive on the island, but not from the government, but from Eteria. Although the War Minister invited the government to make contact with Eteria in order to control it, Dilijannis remained indecisive and, on the contrary, strengthened the garrisons in the north to prevent the irregular detachments from sending to Macedonia ^[3] . In June 1896, Greek officers "deserting from the army" went to Crete ^[4] . Austria proposed to appoint a Christian ruler, convene a Cretan meeting and grant amnesty. The Turks accepted the offer. After that, the "Powers" on June 24 / July 6 demanded that Athens stop sending volunteers and weapons to Crete. The Cretan assembly demanded autonomy, similar to the autonomy of Samos . Ignoring the Christian ruler by the Turks led to the resumption of fighting and massacre ^[3] .

The proposal of Germany on naval operations against Greece, as well as Austria on a "peaceful blockade" of Crete was rejected by Britain. On 13/25 August, the Turks submitted reform proposals that were not rejected by the Greek government and the “committee”. At the same time, the opposition, in particular Rallis, and Eteria continued their independent activities in Crete, which made it possible for the Turks to respond with repressions and tell the “Powers” ​​that the Cretans were behaving irresponsibly. New fights and massacres followed ^[3] .

January 13, 1897, the massacre of Christians by local Muslims began, with the participation of Turkish soldiers, in Heraklion and Rethymnon . On January 18, the "methodical massacre" spread to Chania . On January 23, Muslims burned the Christian quarters of the city. The European consuls were forced to move to warships ^{[2] [5]} .

Yielding to popular pressure, Prime Minister Dilijannis sent a small group of ships to Crete ^[3] . At the same time, Diliiannis told the Turkish ambassador that the mission of the ships is peaceful ^[6] . This step led to the fact that the rebels hoisted the Greek flag in the suburbs of Chania, Halepe and proclaimed reunion with Greece on January 25, 1897 ^[2] . The proclamation of "enosis" provoked a protest from the ambassadors of the Powers. The assurances of the Greek prime minister about the peaceful role of the ships were observed ^[2] .

In the British Parliament of Curzon, George Nathaniel stated that the Turkish army’s behavior in Crete was “excellent” and that the attackers were “most likely Christians”. Only Gladstone, William defended Greece. The Salisbury, Roberta faction drew its line in the press of England, which was supported by the press of France. More aggressive was the German press, behind which stood the Kaiser and bank capital, which had suffered losses from Greek bankruptcy and longed for the defeat of Greece, to establish economic control over it. The diplomatic atmosphere was expressed by the Austrian court: “if all the Powers cooperate in order to preserve Turkish immunity, the Cretan uprising will remain without necessity without results” ^[2] .

On 1/13 February 1897, the hastily assembled corps of the Greek army (1,500 soldiers) was sent to the island, led by Vassos , the adjutant of the king, to occupy the island on his behalf ^[2] . By the time the corps arrived, the island was under the auspices of the Powers. Vassos landed 24 km west of Chania , where he was met by 5 thousand Cretans. Vassos launched an offensive, occupying the Monastery of Gonies. From the monastery, he issued a proclamation "on behalf of the King of the Hellenes", declaring that Crete was liberated ^[2] . When Vassos was moving towards Chania, a representative of 5 European admirals appeared before him and announced that the city was under the protection of "powers." The international occupation of the city interrupted the intervention of Greece and “the Cretan question was thrown off by this action into the dead end labyrinth of diplomacy” ^[2] . Vassos was forbidden to conduct military operations within a radius of 6 km from the city, and Greek ships were forbidden to prevent the landing of Turkish troops ^[2] . On February 3/15, the "Powers" landed troops and called on Greece to withdraw its troops. Greece refused. This provoked the anger of the Kaiser, who called for a blockade of the ports of Greece, which would lead to the enthronement of Prince Constantine. This offer has been rejected by Britain. The proposal of France, supported by Russia, was adopted, according to which Crete received autonomous status, while remaining part of the Ottoman Empire. The proposal was accepted by the Turks. Greece was ready to recall the ships, but wanted to leave the hull on the island, to maintain order. Friction between the Powers was permitted. Vassos had “hands tied”, but on February 6, his corps and rebels took the fortress of Vukolia ^[6] . On February 7, the Vassos corps fought with 4,000 Turks at Livadia and won a “glorious victory”. The Turks lost 500 people killed and 107 prisoners. The rest fled, pursued to Chania, where they found protection from European troops. Historians characterize the victory of Pyrrhic, but not because of losses. The victory of Vassos and the ease with which she was won supported the political wing in Greece, expressed by Etheria, and demanding a declaration of war by the Ottomans. “If a single corps wins such easy victories, then what will happen when the whole army enters the battle?” ^[2] . Greece went to "a strange war, which was the game of the royal court with Western European financial circles and became a national treason" ^[2] .

The government did not withdraw Vassos' corps, but did not send reinforcements. Admirals of the "Powers" called on the rebels to lay down their arms ^[2] . The position of the European monarchies was expressed by the ambassador of Russia in Paris: “Crete can by no means unite with Greece in today's circumstances” ^[2] and was repeated in the ultimatum of the Powers to the Greek government on March 2, 1897 ^[6] . On March 6/18, the sea blockade of Crete was declared. On March 11/23, the "Powers" landed 3,000 sailors on the island. The British occupied Heraklion , the Russian Rethymnon , the French Sitia , the Italians Chania , the Germans of the Court and the Austrians of Kissamos ^[4] . Greek ships were recalled. The corps of Vassos remained on the island, but was doomed to inaction ^[2] "Powers" picked up the ruler. Russia proposed Prince George , the second son of the Greek king, the Turks insisted that the ruler should be a Turkish subject ^[3] . Kaiser opposed the decision, but accepted the proposals of other Powers. “Kaiser was not interested in Crete, but in the destruction of Greece” ^[2] .

Back in October 1896, Dilijannis found a compromise with the creditors of Greece ^[3] , But “for an unknown reason” did not sign the agreement. “There was a need to find a solution, a way to force Greece to submit to international control. There was a need in this satanic plan to make the politicians of Greece unconscious tools, its people, army, navy, everything the country had chosen (.) There was a need to play a bloody comedy against the honor of the nation (.) And the comedy was played under the name "War of 1897" ( .) Dilijannis, this cunning old man, like D. Rallis, was tricked by Georg. And only at the end of this "bloody comedy" Dilijannis realized that Greece fell into a trap and exclaimed in French: Quelle machine infernale (What a hell of a machine) ^[4] . The Ottomans were preparing for war. On the other hand, Eteria sent 34 detachments of irregular fighters to Macedonia, among which were Italian volunteers. This worried Russia. Dakin writes that Russia was not hostile to Greece’s claims to Crete, but its claims in the north impeded pan-Slavism plans. Russia proposed a blockade, the northernmost then, the Greek port of Volos . The offer was rejected by Britain ^[3] . Diplomatic relations between Greece and the Ottoman Empire were interrupted on April 17. Eteria detachments entered Ottoman territory, but were stopped by Ottoman forces and returned to Greece. This gave the Turks the reason they were looking for to start a war. Participants in the ensuing war in Thessaly and Epirus, especially Italian volunteers, claimed that the withdrawal of the Greek army was planned before the war. Cipriani, Amilkara wrote about the “predetermined, programmed retreat”. Another Italian volunteer called the Greeks “popolo tradito“ (devoted people). It is noteworthy that the Turkish General Staff, in its report, “recognizes the courage of the Greek troops”, but concludes that “the Greeks did not show the intention to really fight” (de ne pas combattre serieusement) and calls this war “a simulation of war” (simulacre de guerre). In the last line of this report: “Following from this, we believe that the Supreme Greek military command had the order to leave the territory step by step, without endangering the lives of their soldiers” ^[2] . When news began to come from Thessaly, the situation in the capital got out of control. In order to avoid a revolutionary explosion, the royal court asked Dilijannis to resign. Dilijannis refused. Then George dissolved the government on April 18/30 and entrusted the formation of the new government to the opposition leader, D. Rallis ^[6] . By his action, the king defused the crisis and anger against the throne ^[6] . This strange war was stopped after the intervention of the Russian emperor Nicholas II on May 5/17, 1897. The cessation of war meant the cessation of the Cretan rebellion ^[2]

The Rallis government in April 1897 recalled the Vassos corps from the island ^[3] . Greece practically did not lose territories, but was obliged to pay compensation to the Ottomans. At the suggestion of Russia and with the support of Britain, Prince George became ruler of Crete. The prince arrived in Crete in December 1898. Crete has become an autonomous province. According to Dakin, Crete was practically promised to Greece, which, despite the outcome of the 1897 war, was the winner. He believes that Greece owes this to Britain and Russia, which, despite the antagonism, once again joined forces against Germany in southeastern Europe ^[3] . Perris Land in his work “The Eastern Crisis in 1897” considers events as follows: “... the war of 1897 was a false war, a virtual diplomatic war, firstly to establish international economic control over Greece, which the king could not agree to, neither the government nor the parliament, since this was a restriction on the independence of the state .... What should be done? The capitalists were then omnipotent ... this war was invented as a means of asserting control ... Secondly, the pill was gilded by appointing the Greek prince George as ruler of Crete, thus promoting the Cretan question ... That this false war was planned in advance, obviously from the fact that the military preparations of Turkey began long before the departure of Vassos to Crete “ ^[4] .

The atmosphere of discontent allowed the Rallis government to remain in power for only 5 months ( April 18 - September 21, 1897 ). Rallis again became prime minister between June 28, 1903 - December 6, 1903, and June 9, 1905 - December 8, 1905 ^[3] . Rallis led the Greek government during the next crisis in Crete in 1905, but his position on the Cretan question, according to Dakin, was “ambiguous” during this period ^[3] .

By the end of the 19th century, Ottoman Macedonia was a region where the interests of the European “Great Powers” ​​and the Balkan states clashed. Dakin writes that “all the Balkan peoples could make claims on all or part of Macedonia based on historical, national, linguistic, cultural and religious arguments” ^[3] . The situation began to take on the character of a crisis after the Ottoman government in 1870 established the Bulgarian exarchy by the Sultan firmman . Initially, the church became a field of confrontation, and then enlightenment followed. Dakin writes that by 1902 there were more than 1,000 Greek schools with 78,000 students in Ottoman Macedonia, while “exarchist schools funded by Russia and Bulgaria numbered 592 schools with 30,000 students.” Serbia followed in their footsteps, creating 233 schools ^[3] . These figures, in one way or another, correspond to the Turkish census of 1905, according to which, in Macedonia, 647.962 people were under the omophorion of the Patriarch of Constantinople, and 557.734 people joined the Bulgarian exarchy. At the same time, on neither one nor the other hand, these figures did not determine either the linguistic, or even the nationality of the population. For example, exarchists used the neo-grecomanism to characterize the Slavic supporters of the Patriarchate and Greek Macedonia ^[7] . The appearance of armed Bulgarian couples, terrorizing supporters of the Patriarchate and expelling, and sometimes killing, Greek priests and teachers, provoked a Greek response. The Greek resistance was led by Metropolitan Kastoria German (Caravangelis) , and the unspoken leadership of military propaganda led the consulate of Greece in the capital of Macedonia, the city of Thessaloniki . About a hundred Greek officers left the service and secretly, under pseudonyms, went to Macedonia to lead the struggle of the Macedonians . For 4 years (1905-1908), Greek troops inflicted heavy losses on the Chetniks (and periodically on the Turks) and gradually began to dominate the region, restricting the activity of the Bulgarian Chet. Dakin writes that “the victory of Greece in historical Macedonia (and Serbia in the north of Ottoman Macedonia) in the armed struggle for Macedonia did not result in territorial acquisitions. But their victories prevented the loss of those regions that later, in 1912-1913, became Greek Macedonia and Serbian Macedonia “ ^[3] . After the Young Turk revolution in July 1908 and the holding of elections with the participation of the Christian population, the “Fight for Macedonia” was stopped by all parties involved. During this period, Rallis visited Thessaloniki, and then Constantinople. During the official visit of the Young Turks to Thessaloniki, Rallis, without consulting the diplomats of the Greek consulate, “naively”, according to Dakin, said that since Greece absolutely trusts the new Turkish regime, then a hundred Greek officers (in reality there were no more than 60) home. Thus, Rallis issued a Greek organization in Macedonia and provoked Turkish response. Upon his return to Greece, Rallis changed his rhetoric, began to advocate the continuation of the Fight for Macedonia and the sending of partisan detachments not only to Macedonia, but also to Thrace and, even, to Asia Minor ” ^[3] . T. Gerozisis writes that Rallis’s statement was made when he again became prime minister in July 1909 and calls him “a monument to stupidity.” But "since it is hard to believe in such stupidity, this statement borders on national betrayal, due to the fact that all Greek governments refused the presence of Greek officers on the territory of Ottoman Macedonia." Rallis' statement infuriated officers who fought in Macedonia, and especially those who were still there. But Rallis "continued without stopping the worst traditions of the demagogy of Greek politicians, promising to abolish the post of commander-in-chief for the heir to the throne, remove princes from the army and create a powerful army of 180 thousand bayonets" ^[4] .

Rallis again headed the government on July 7, 1909 , but immediately forgot his radical ideas and proposals regarding the army ^[3] . But the officer movement of 1909 shocked the country and the foundations of the monarchy. An “Military Council” of officers arose in the army, with anti-monarchist tendencies. The officer movement of 1909 was caused by a number of reasons, among which were:

• Professional causes of the army: poor supply and interference of princes in the affairs of the army.
• National and nationalist reasons: the territorial expansion of Bulgaria and the development of the Bulgarian army, compared with the unsatisfactory state of the Greek. The struggle for Macedonia, which was largely waged by the efforts of the "Macedonian Committee" and the officers themselves, while the Greek politicians were "obedient to Turkey."
• Political and social: "political parties were morally bankrupt." The crisis in society was growing.
• Financial problems: related to the previous ones, because the Rallis government, like all previous Greek governments, did not take any measures to support the necessary financial reorganization of the army ^[4] .

On August 7, 1909, an article appeared in the press by Lieutenant Karaiskakis, representing junior army officers. The article was published under the heading “Judgment Day has arrived.” This was a warning that even senior officers of the Military Council could not ignore the Royal Court and Rallis, unaware of the existence of the Union of Junior Officers, and did not attach importance to it ^[4] . Having overestimated its capabilities, the government imprisoned 12 officers. The leader of the officers, Zorbas, Nikolaos , wrote a letter to Rallis asking him to resolve the issue. But his tone, unlike the leader of the junior lieutenants, was a compromise. Rallis agreed to host a Military Council delegation that was supposed to explain his program to him. But the officers who appeared before Rallis were met by the enraged prime minister and were expelled ^[4] . The reason was a letter that fell into Rallis’s hands informing him that the officers, including members of the delegation, had collected weapons to make the coup. Rallis not only expelled the delegation, but submitted a letter to the head of the personnel department of the War Department, who arrested two members of the delegation. The event participant, Pangalos, Theodoros , compares this letter with the Bismarck telegram in 1870. Any likelihood of a compromise between the Military Council and the government was thwarted. A group of officers, led by Pangalos, released those arrested ^[4] . The attempts of Rallis and Zorbas to find a compromise at the last moment were unsuccessful. The ruling committee of the Military Council ordered a coup to be carried out and everyone to gather in the barracks in Goody on the night of August 14-15, 1909 ^[4] . On August 15, revolutionaries stationed 2,500 soldiers and 450 officers in Goody. An infantry regiment came out of Chalkida to help the rebels. The Rallis government resigned and the royal family “survived several hours of fear” ^[4] . The royal court proposed the formation of a government to K. Mavromihalis , whose small party was associated with the “Military Council” ^[3] . But soon entered the political arena of Greece, invited by officers from the nominally Ottoman, Crete revolutionary and politician Eleftherios Venizelos ^[3] .

Rallis subsequently became minister in the governments of Gunaris , Zaimis and Skuludis . Rallis was in opposition to Venizelos, but despite this, at the beginning of World War I, he agreed with Venizelos on the entry of Greece into the war on the side of the Entente . However, when Venizelos organized a demonstration in Athens in August 1916, demanding that the king act not as the leader of the party, but as the leader of the nation, Rallis, Gunaris and Dragumis organized a counter-demonstration of the monarchists ^[3] .

In 1919, under the Entente’s mandate, the Greek army occupied the western coast of Asia Minor . Subsequently, the Sevres Peace Treaty of 1920 secured the control of the region over Greece, with the decision of its fate in 5 years, at a referendum of the population ^[8] . The battles with the Kemalists that began here took on the character of a war that the Greeks were forced to wage alone. Of the allies, Italy, from the very beginning supported the Kemalists, France, while solving its tasks, also supported them. The Greek army held its ground. The geopolitical situation has changed radically and became fatal for the Greek population of Ionia , after the parliamentary elections in Greece, in November 1920. Under the slogan “we will return our guys home” and having received the support of the then significant Muslim population, the monarchists won the election ^[8] . The return of the Germanophile King Constantine to Greece freed the Allies from their obligations towards Greece. Churchill , in his Aftermath (pp. 387–388), wrote: “The return of Constantine terminated all allied ties with Greece and annulled all obligations except legal ones. With Venizelos, we made many commitments. But with Konstantin, none. Indeed, when the first surprise passed, a sense of relief became apparent in leading circles. There was no more need to follow anti-Turkish policy ” ^[8] . Rallis led the government of the monarchists and last became Prime Minister in 1920 but for a short period of time (04/11/1920 - 01/24/1921). Venizelos, who was in Paris, and who was observing close by the sharply changing international situation, wrote a letter to Rallis. Venizelos wrote that despite the fact that the Greeks were divided in the internal issues of the country, they should appear before the outside world as one in external matters. Rallis, who himself was concerned about the development of events, was convinced that the proposal of Venizelos should be accepted ^[8] . On January 24-29, an Allied Conference was held in Paris, in which the new French Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Briand , British Prime Minister Lloyd George and the Italian Ambassador took part. Among others, the Greek question was discussed. Briand said that after the return of Constantine, the issue should be reviewed and that he intends to withdraw his 60 thousand French soldiers from Cilicia . Briand continued that the revision of the Sevres world was inevitable and was supported in this by the Italian ambassador. Lloyd George opposed the Allied decision to "sell the Greeks." “We should not abandon them, because the Greek people, at the time of enthusiasm, chose the ruler of the one we do not like. We spent billions of pounds on the war against Turkey, our dead are tens of thousands, and our wounded are hundreds of thousands. It’s impossible to imagine that all these sacrifices were in vain. ” The Allies agreed to convene a conference in London on February 8/21, 1921, to which the delegation of Greece and two Turkish delegations, the Sultan and Kemal, will also be invited. When D. Rallis received an invitation from the French ambassador to the London conference on January 13/26, he remembered Venizelos’s offer and decided to use it. Rallis tried to convince his ministers that the delegation should be led by himself, but in the role of his assistant, he should take Venizelos. Gunaris opposed this decision and resigned ^[8] . After that, on January 22 / February 4, 1921, Rallis announced in parliament that after the actions of Gunaris he would surrender his authority to the king. Constantine immediately accepted the resignation of Rallis and on January 25 / February 7, 1921 the government of the monarchists was headed by Francophile N. Kalogeropoulos ^[8] . D. Fotiadis considers the failed joint trip of Rallis-Venizelos to London as one of the chances missed by the monarchists, which led to the extermination and expulsion by the Turks of the indigenous Greek population of Ionia ^[8] . Soon (August 5, 1921) Dimitrios Rallis died of cancer in Athens.

• Εικονογραφημένη Εστία : [] / Παύλος Διομήδης. - ΑΘήνα: Γεώργιος Δροσίνης, Τυπογραφείο της Εστίας, 1893.
• Δημήτριος Ράλλης συνοπτικό βιογραφικό σημείωμα από το Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Ερευνών