The Rebellion of Reggio Calabria

The city of Reggio Calabria is located at the southern tip of mainland Italy . It is separated from Sicily by a narrow strait. Reggio Calabria has traditionally been characterized by “Sicilian” forms of social relations and the political influence of extreme right - wing forces.

On January 17, 1970, a decision was announced in Rome to transfer the administrative center (local capital) of the Calabria region from Reggio Calabria to the city of Catanzaro . This plan was initiated by the center-left government of Mariano Rumora . Its implementation led to changes in the political alignment in the region with a noticeable shift to the left . The party structures of the ruling coalition — primarily the Christian Democratic Party and the COI — received tangible benefits of a political, administrative and economic nature. For Reggio Calabria, this meant serious social and economic losses.

On June 7, the first regional elections were held in Calabria. Christian Democrats, the country's main government party, which won 17 out of 40 seats, were blocked with the socialists in the Regional Council, as in the Italian government. 11 seats belonged to the Communist Party and its allies, two more belonged to the Social Democrats close to the CDP. In the city meeting of Reggio Calabria, the situation was different: almost two-thirds of the mandates were received by the Christian Democratic Party and its allies on the right. Thus, serious differences were revealed in the political moods of the region and its capital.

July 1, it became known about the upcoming July 13 meeting of the Regional Council in Catanzaro. It became apparent that a decision was pending on the relocation of the administrative center, which would be approved in Rome. Social groups and political structures dominant in Reggio Calabria rejected the government project. On July 5, Mayor Reggio Calabria Pietro Battaglia spoke at the rally, urging the city's population to defend the status of the regional capital. According to the party affiliation, the Christian democrat, Battaglia was guided, however, not by party, but by administrative interests.

The neo-fascist Chichcho Franco , the activist of the Italian Social Movement (ISD) party and the leader of the local organization, CHISNAL, led the city protest. Neo-fascists called on citizens to civil disobedience.

July 1970: Rebellion begins

A formal occasion with the relocation of the administrative center gave way to long-standing and stable protest moods. The inhabitants of Reggio Calabria supported their social authorities and did not want to accept the orders imposed from Rome. Affected by the economic backwardness of southern Italy, the massive poverty in the region.

Attitudes of the movement had a pronounced neo-fascist character, were imbued with anti-communism , anti-liberalism and anti-bureaucracy. From the first days, not only the ISD, but also the National Avant-garde Stefano Delle Chiaye took the most active part in the uprising ^[1] . The backbone of the protest movement was formed on the basis of neo-fascist political organizations ^[2] , anarchist groups, and trade union cells.

On July 13, 1970, the municipality of Reggio Calabria decided not to send representatives to a meeting in Catanzaro. NUMBER has declared a 40-hour strike. The construction of street barricades began. In fact, this day was the beginning of the uprising.

At a mass rally on July 14, 1970, Ciccio Franco proclaimed the Reggio Calabria uprising “the first step of the national revolution” - thereby declaring the nationwide character of the movement. The first clashes with law enforcement began. Chichcho Franco’s phrase “Scumbag who surrenders!” ( Boia chi molla!; Literal: Chi abbandona (molla) la lotta è un vile assassino (boia) ! - “Anyone who refuses inspired fighting is a vile executioner!”) - repeating the words of the Parthenopean Republic of 1799 , the Milan Uprising of 1848 and the legions of D'Annunzio - became the slogan of the urban uprising and the slogan of Italian neo-fascism.

On July 15, the city was seized by demonstrations (the railroad workers and students were the first to respond to the call of resistance, local industrial workers supported them) and mass fights with the police. Molotov cocktails, stones, tear gas were used. Neo-fascist activists attacked and routed the local headquarters of the IKP and COI. The first victim appeared - the railwayman Bruno Labate was killed. The clashes consistently expanded throughout the second half of July; there were up to fifty people in hospitals.

An “Action Committee" was formed to lead the uprising. His line was determined by the right-wing radicals that dominated the uprising ^[3] . Along with Ciccio Franco, its leaders were the small merchant Alfredo Perna (considered a partisan of the Second World War in the city), the poet Giuseppe Avarna and the leader of the city organization ISD Fortunato Aloi . Funding for the movement was provided by opposition businessmen Demetrio Mauro (coffee industry) and Amedeo Matasena (shipping). Solidarity with the movement was expressed by the Archbishop of Reggio Calabria Giovanni Ferro .

July 22, 1970 a tragic event occurred - the collapse of the train express train, following the Palermo - Turin flight. Killed 6 people, more than 50 were injured. Officially, the reasons have not yet been established, no one has been convicted, but the most likely version of the disaster is a terrorist attack (in 1993 evidence was given against neo-fascists and mafiosi, but they did not receive confirmation in court). These events increased the intensity of bitterness, the parties to the conflict accused each other of terror and the organization of the massacre.

July 30, 1970 Chichcho Franco, Fortunato Aloi and Demetrio Mauro spoke at a rally of many thousands and reaffirmed their determination to defend the rights and status of Reggio Calabria. On August 3, 1970, the Comitato unitario per Reggio capoluogo , the “Joint Committee for the Reggio Capital ,” officially took over the functions of the city government. On the same day, Chichcho Franco met with Pietro Battaglia, and the mayor, for his part, confirmed the support of the movement. However, law enforcement agencies, including the police, remained under government control and complied with orders against rebellion. This created an atmosphere of permanent civil conflict in the city.

The National Front of Prince Borghese showed interest in the events - the organizers of the conspiracy counted on the support from the south of the coup planned in Rome.

The ideology of movement

The logic of events pushed ultra-right activists to interact with politicized crime (later the revolutionary armed cells fully worked out this technology). The mafia structure of Ndrangeta played an active role in the events ^[4] . Mafia militants participated in street protests, helped in the power support of the uprising. Between Ndrangheta and the National Avant-Garde in Reggio Calabria a kind of personal union arose through the neofascist mafiosi Carmine Dominici , a prominent participant in the uprising.

Robbers and bandits have always been the salt of our nation and fought in the name of the people. Collective cells of factories, institutes and schools will become free people! These robbers are us!
Fabrizio Zani, “The theoretical position of the legionary movement” ^[5]

Chichcho Franco contributed to the creation of power brigades of the movement on the basis of neo-fascist organizations. The ultra-left , especially the anarchists, also joined them. The desire to preserve the autonomy of the southern region overpowered ideological contradictions. Attempts by left-wing radicals to create their own movement failed - massive support was given to Chichcho Franco and his allies.

At first there were a lot of guys who thought Reggio would protect the left. But they had to reconsider their political positions. Many became fascists only because only the fascists behaved faithfully in the battle for Reggio.
Chichcho Franco

August-September 1970: Culmination of the Movement

The right-wing populist uprising greatly troubled the ruling circles of Italy, irrespective of the ideology and party affiliation of individual elite groups. The influential communist politician Pietro Ingrao arrived in Reggio Calabria, but his attempt to address the crowd failed.

On August 16, 1970, the new center-left government of the Christian Democrat Emilio Colombo was formed, for whom the suppression of Reggio Calabria became a priority. The central authorities regarded the events as an anti-government rebellion of the ultra-right. In the face of the “threat from the south,” all parliamentary parties have consolidated, except for the ISD.

The new cabinet categorically refused negotiations with the rebels. The troops were ordered to block the city. At the same time, a campaign against the movement unfolded in the media, and then an actual information blockade was established.

The rebellion of Reggio Calabria really took on the character of a nationwide movement against the political elite. There was a danger of his going beyond the regional framework. The underground radio station Radio Reggio Libera , first aired on September 17, 1970, announced the manifestos of the uprising:

Reggians! Calabrians! Italians! The struggle with the power of the red barons will lead to the victory of true democracy. Glory to Reggio! Glory to Calabria! Long live the new Italy!

On September 14, 1970, the steering committees of the uprising declared a general strike. In response, the police conducted a series of arrests. The next day, the city was again swept by street battles of demonstrators with police. In the clashes, bus driver Angelo Campanella died.

On September 17, 1970, Chichcho Franco was arrested. The response was a massive attack by rebel fighters on police stations and weapons stores. This day is usually seen as the culmination of events. On September 21, reinforced police contingents went on the counterattack - the assault and demolition of the barricades erected by the rebels began. Attempts by Archbishop Ferro, who personally took to the streets, to normalize the situation failed.

Young radicals of various directions continued to gather in Reggio Calabria - usually neo-fascists, students from the FUAN movement, but also anarchists and ultra-left from Lotta Continua . Conflicts began to arise on ideological grounds.

On September 26, 1970, five anarchists - Gianni Arico, Annalize Bort, Angelo Casile, Franco Scordo, Luigi Celso - brought materials to the ultra-left newspaper Umanità Nova to Rome, which sharply criticized the actions of the neo-fascists and the mafia in Reggio Calabria, up to the charges of the explosion of the express July 22. All five died in an accident. The version of the murder has not received official confirmation, but continues to be exaggerated ^[6] .

From the second week of October, the protest movement began to spread to other cities in Calabria. An especially large-scale riot broke out on October 12, 1970 at the University of Messina . This trend prompted the government to increase military pressure on Reggio Calabria. The city was actually under siege ^[7] . Communications control was carried out by army units. Gradually, government tactics of operational, economic and information blocking took effect. In addition, the government agreed to a certain compromise: the so-called. Pacchetto Colombo - the “Colombo package” - involved the separation of power prerogatives between the largest cities of Calabria. On December 23, 1970, Chichcho Franco was released from arrest and immediately transferred to an illegal position.

January-February 1971: Rise and Suppression

January 21, 1971 a demonstration of rebels gathered in Reggio Calabria 20 thousand people. Again, a general strike was declared. On February 3, 1971, mass fights with police broke out again in a number of areas.

On February 12, 1971, Prime Minister Colombo announced the government’s settlement plan ^[8] : the division of administrative and representative institutions of the region between Reggio Calabria and Catanzaro, the creation of a large industrial center in Reggio, creating a large number of new jobs.

On February 23, 1971, police, under cover of army armored vehicles, launched a final attack on rebel-controlled areas. As a rule, this day is regarded as the last in the history of the Reggio Calabria rebellion.

By the end of the month, central authorities regained military police and administrative control over Reggio Calabria. However, scattered clashes continued until the end of the year.

The uprising ended in partial success: the status of the administrative center of the region passed to Catanzaro, but Reggio Calabria remained the seat of the Regional Council and the Court of Appeal of Calabria. The government was forced to take into account the interests of the city in its administrative and economic policies.

The far-right forces have clearly demonstrated their influence on the masses (especially the poor of the southern regions), mobilization and operational capabilities. The popularity of ISD has increased. In the 1972 parliamentary elections, the neo-fascist party achieved the highest result in its history, gaining almost 2.9 million votes. Non-systemic ultra-right activists, first of all, the National Avant-Garde, have also intensified. The ban on this organization in 1976 was motivated, inter alia, by actions in Reggio Calabria.

The experience of the Reggio Calabria rebellion inspired the neo-fascist and especially anarcho-fascist movement of Italy throughout the Lead Seventies .

The uprising in Reggio Calabria is the only example of an open struggle of the people, when the whole city took to the barricades, took to the streets, and the leaders themselves find themselves on the streets and recognize each other on the barricades. A unique event in Italy, in which the National Vanguard played its leading and decisive role. (You can take a closer look - and draw parallels in history - similar phenomena have already occurred, these were the uprising of sailors in Kronstadt or the Makhnovism in Ukraine .) In prison, I had the opportunity to meet with Chichcho Franco, the leader of the scumbag, who surrenders! He I had to honestly admit how much I owe the young avant-garde artists This convinces us that the " left " have no monopoly either on the announcement of the demands of the people, or on the protection of their needs. And they cannot pretend to comprehend the meaning of justice or the postulates of anarchy .
Mario Merlino ^[9]

A report on these events was read at the conference of veterans of the National Avant-garde Solidarieta sociale on June 21, 2014 ^[10] .

• Chichcho Franco actively continued trade union and party political activity. Four times elected to the Senate from the ISD. He enjoyed great popularity in Reggio Calabria. He died on November 16, 1991. His name is called the amphitheater in Reggio Calabria. The mayor of the city, then the president of the region, Giuseppe Scopelliti sets Chichcho Franco as an example for the present. Memorable dates of his biography are widely celebrated in the city ^[11] .
• Pietro Battaglia was forced to resign as mayor of Reggio Calabria on September 7, 1971. He remained a prominent figure in the CDA regional organization, and in 1987 he was elected to parliament . In September 1992, he was arrested on suspicion of having links with the mafia and organizing the murder, but was subsequently released, as evidence against him was recognized as a false denunciation. He was one of the authors of the book Io e la Rivolta. Una città, la sua storia ("I and the rebellion. The city and its history") about the events of 1970-1971. Died April 20, 2005.
• Fortunato Aloi remained a popular regional leader for ISD. In 1972, 1983, 1987, 1996 he was elected to parliament. In 1994, he joined Gianfranco Fini , joined the National Alliance . He was the Secretary of State for the Ministry of Education in the first government of Silvio Berlusconi . In 2001 he was not elected and moved away from politics.
• Demetrio Mauro continued to engage in the coffee business. Died July 7, 1996.
• Alfredo Perna was arrested and released along with Ciccio Franco. He had a reputation as a political adventurer, was nicknamed Comandante Perna . He died on July 16, 1988.
• Giuseppe Avarna, famous for revolutionary poetry during the uprising, moved to Rome in 1972. He continued to write, published a number of poetry collections, enjoyed high prestige in the creative elite. Tragically died in a fire on February 22, 1999.
• Carmine Dominici in 1993 (imprisoned in another case) was charged with organizing terrorist attacks during the Reggio Calabria uprising ^[12] . The corresponding testimony was given by the Ndrangheta fighter Giacomo Lauro. However, all involved were acquitted on these charges.

The rebellion of Reggio Calabria bore signs of rebellion against a legitimate government. There could be no talk of official international support at the state level. NATO countries solidified with the Italian authorities. The USSR, through a TASS report, characterized what was happening in Reggio Calabria as "fascist unrest."

Paradoxically, the only government that sympathized with the neo-fascist movement was the orthodox communist regime of Enver Hoxha : on August 20 (according to other sources, September 20), the 1970 propaganda mouthpiece of the then Albanian authorities, Radio Televizioni Shqiptar, spoke of the events as a "proletarian uprising" ^{[ 13]} .

With the uprising of Reggio Calabria, the ultra-right, sometimes ultra-left structures of various countries solidified.

Video: I giorni della rabbia - La rivolta di Reggio Calabria