Fotiev schism

The Origin of the Ignatian and Photian Parties

The sources of the conflict of parties of supporters of the patriarchs Photius and Ignatius are traditionally found in much earlier events. Thus, the American Byzantine F. Dvornik connects it with the ancient tradition of political struggle in Byzantium as part of the confrontation between the parties of the hippodrome , where the “blue” party shared religious views closer to the state church than the “green” party ^[2] . Since both church parties under consideration were supporters of icon veneration , the immediate reasons for their disagreement concerned canon law and issues of the relationship between the church and the state that arose during the iconoclastic period. At the same time, the party of the church majority advocated pursuing a policy of “ economy ” (from other Greek: οἰκονομία , “house-building”), that is, achieving a reasonable compromise with state power, allowing the temporary relaxation of some church laws in connection with the request of the monarch or other higher interests . The opposing party, accordingly, did not allow such deviations ^[3] .

So, the measures taken by the patriarch Tarasius against the former iconoclasts were considered by some of the clergymen not to be strict enough. Among the opponents of Tarasia were some influential monks who turned for support to Rome , where their point of view was supported. Then, on the side of the opponents of the patriarch, the monks of the famous metropolitan Studio Monastery - the studites - joined the conflict. Over time, rumors added that he was selling church posts to accusations against Tarasi. He was also charged with the fact that he was elevated to the patriarchs from the laity ^[4] . A new reason for the condemnation of Tarasius from the side of the radical clergy was given by the second marriage of Emperor Constantine VI with concluded in 795 after the imprisonment of his first wife, Mary of Amni . Although the patriarch did not welcome this marriage and, in violation of traditions, did not personally crown the emperor, the church opposition, led by studio monks and abbot of the Sakkudian monastery, Father Superior Platon , uncle Theodore Studit , interrupted church communion with Tarasiy. Moreover, based on some church rules, the opposition formed a theoretical justification for their disobedience to the patriarch and, in general, to any church hierarch who commits unacceptable acts. In 797, Constantine VI was blinded by the order of his mother Empress Irina (797–802), after which Tarasius deprived the clergy of Joseph, who committed an illegal marriage. On this, the conflict temporarily ceased ^[5] .

Irina's support for the election to the patriarchal throne of Nicephorus (806-815), also from the laity, was not approved by the students. When, at the request of Emperor Nicephorus I (802-811), the church prohibition was lifted from Joseph mentioned above, the monks of the Studio Monastery were separated from the patriarch. When the local council, held in January 809, confirmed the patriarch’s decision, and Plato and Theodore were expelled to the Princes' Islands ^[6] , the Studites declared the cathedral non-canonical and declared the “adultery heresy” that arose as a result of mistakes made by Tarasius ^[7] . According to the students' point of view, after returning to Joseph’s church, the legal church hierarchy ceased to exist in Byzantium. They sent several letters to Pope Leo III (795–816) asking them to join them in condemning what was happening ^[8] , but the pope did not intervene ^[9] . Michael I Rangava, who reigned after Nicephorus, (811–813), obtained from the patriarch Nicephorus a second condemnation of Joseph and the church world was restored ^[10] .

The conflict between the two Orthodox church parties temporarily ceased with the accession of the iconoclast Leo V Armenian (813-820) and the removal of its main participants in exile. At least when Emperor Michael II Travel (820–829) returned Theodore Studite from exile, the latter interceded for the exiled Patriarch Nicephorus ^[11] . With the restoration of icon veneration in March 843 at a council convened with the support of Empress Theodora ^[12] , the new Patriarch Methodius (843–847) faced the same problems as Tarasius half a century before — measures taken by Methodius against former iconoclasts as part of the clergy were considered not tight enough. The main opponents of the "economy" again became the monks of the Studio Monastery. Methodius' attempts to reconcile the parties did not lead to success. In 847, he died, and Ignatius, a native of the monastic community, took his place by the will of Theodora ^[13] .

Photius Early Career

Little is known about the early years of Photius. His date of birth is unknown and is determined, based on indirect data, between 800 and 828 years ^{[14] [15]} . The family to which he belonged occupied a prominent position in Byzantine society - the future patriarch was the great-nephew of the patriarch Tarasius (784–806), a well-known opponent of iconoclasm , who presided at the Seventh Ecumenical Council . During the triumph of the iconoclastic party, the Photius family was sent into exile, and their property was confiscated. It is reported that Photius, along with his parents, was anathematized by one of the iconoclastic cathedrals ^[16] . Probably, the property of the family was not completely confiscated or it was returned after the restoration of icon veneration under Empress Theodore , who ruled the regent with her son Michael III in 842–856. Thanks to this, Photius was able to get a good education, and later was quite rich.

It is not known who the teachers of Photius were. According to Fyodor Rosseykin , these could include the learned Leo the Mathematician , the Sicilian monk and future patriarch Methodius and the bishop of Syracuse, . The outstanding education of Photius, acquired, in the opinion of ill-wishers, by selling his soul to the devil, allowed him to begin successful teaching activities ^[17] . It should be noted that radical monks strongly opposed scientific research, believing the knowledge thus obtained was pagan and unnecessary. The fact that scientists were patronized by iconoclast emperors only confirmed this view ^{[18] [19]} .

The fame acquired by Photius in the pedagogical field attracted the attention of the government, and the future patriarch was invited to the court, where at that time the most influential were Logoket , commander and brother of Empress Varda . At the beginning of the 840s, the position of Theoktist was the strongest - Manuel preferred to leave the palace himself, and Varda lost in the fight against the all-powerful logofet ^[20] .

Photius’s career developed rapidly, he soon reached the high ranks of protospafaria , , and then became a senator . The Empress gave out for his relative Sergius ^{[approx. 1]} his younger sister Irina ^[22] .

The First Patriarchate of Ignatius and the Election of Photius

After the death of Patriarch Methodius in 847, the choice of Empress Theodora settled on Ignatius, who had proved himself as an ascetic. At the age of 14, Ignatius, the son of Michael I Rangava , who was ousted in 813, was insulted , became a monk, and since then has lived in the monastery of Satire, not taking part in worldly life ^[23] . As a result of such spiritual isolation, the researchers believe, Ignatius did not have enough experience to solve the extensive administrative tasks of managing a huge metropolis , and uncompromising piety also manifested itself in the form of harsh actions towards a more liberal part of the clergy. A noteworthy episode is when Ignatius did not allow Grigory Asbest to be present at his initiation, expelling him from the church, which was tantamount to a temporary ban on priesthood. The reasons for this are unknown and may be related to the negative attitude of Ignatius to his predecessor ^[24] . The subsequent investigation did not give reason to condemn Gregory, and Ignatius lifted the ban, but now Asbestos has refused reconciliation. Repeated attempts by the patriarch to avoid a new split did not lead to anything. This stubbornness of the bishop was already a clear canonical violation, and at one of the councils between 848 and 854, Asbestos was condemned as a schismatic who did not obey legal authority. Gregory did not recognize this decision and appealed to the pope. Neither Leo IV (847–855) nor Benedict III (855–858) approved the verdict. Leo IV requested from Ignatius to send cathedral acts, which he did not. Benedict III until the end of his investigation temporarily prohibited Asbestos clergy . Asbestos did not obey this ban, and in 856 he was convicted again in Constantinople ^[25] . It is known that Gregory was a close friend of Photius, and subsequently ill-wishers accused him of participating in this conflict in order to occupy the patriarchal throne, in particular, that Photius petitioned Varda against Ignatius. It is possible that the excommunication imposed on everyone who was in contact with Asbest ^[26] could extend to Photius.

In 857, a coup d'etat took place - Theoktist was killed as a result of the conspiracy of Varda and the young emperor Michael III entrusted to him to educate. The death of the favorite was a blow to the empress, who did not want to be reconciled with her son and retired from government. Michael was proclaimed the autocratic emperor. However, the seventeen-year-old emperor preferred to indulge in entertainment, among which the main ones were chariot races , so the actual control was concentrated in the hands of Varda. In the new circumstances, the situation of Ignatius and his party worsened. In addition to the fact that Varda did not share the monastic rigorism , from January 858 a personal enmity began between him and the patriarch after Ignatius did not allow Ward to participate in the sacrament , condemning his alleged unlawful connection with the widow of his dead son. In the same year, a conspiracy inspired by Theodora against Varda was discovered, and then an impostor appeared in the capital, declaring himself the son of Theodora from another husband. Ignatius rejected Michael’s demand to cut the Empress and his sisters as a nun, pointing out their lack of desire ^[27] . Varda accused Ignatius of sympathizing with the impostor, and soon on November 23, 858, the patriarch was exiled to Island. Refusing to voluntarily renounce, Ignatius bound his supporters with a ban on worship in St. Sophia Cathedral ^[28] .

After Ignatius rejected repeated requests to renounce, the question arose of electing a new patriarch. After long deliberations, the clerical and secular leadership settled on Photius, as a candidate not belonging to any of the church parties ^[29] . In his favor were the Orthodox way of thinking, good origin, wealth, kinship with the royal family. By tradition, or given that from a canonical point of view, the patriarchal department was not vacant ^{[approx. 2]} , the first offer to take her Photius refused. However, the Asbestos party continued to insist on his candidacy, and Ignatius agreed to allow his supporters to take part in the elections, if the candidate is not a schismatic . The last argument, after which the most irreconcilable Ignatians agreed to support Photius, was the signing of the latest receipt that Photius communicates with the church and Patriarch Ignatius and promises to honor the latter as a father, will use his advice, will not persecute his supporters, will not accept offending him ^[31] .

After the elections were held and were recognized by all, a new patriarch was ordained. To do this, he was held for 6 days in all hierarchical degrees: on December 20, 858 Photius was tonsured a monk, and on December 25 he was ordained bishop and received the patriarchal baton from the hands of Gregory Asbestos ^[32] .

Photius and Ignatius

The election of Photius ended the schism in the church. He himself reported this in a letter to the Patriarch of Antioch , this opinion was shared by the whole society and even the author of the biography of Ignatius Nikita Paflagon, who was generally unfriendly to Photius ^[33] . However, it soon became clear that active participants in church parties have a different idea of ​​what the new patriarch should do. The Ignatians believed that according to the receipt given by Photius, he should, if not join them openly, at least fully support the direction of the former patriarch, or even, according to Nikita, “do everything according to his will” ^[34] . Gregory Asbest with more reason expected the opposite from Photius. When it turned out that the Ignatian’s expectations were in vain, they resumed the struggle. What was the direct reason for their speech is not exactly known, but according to the Russian Hellenic historian A. Papadopulo-Keramevs, the reason could be Ignatius’s proclamation of many years as a patriarch by order of the government ^[35] . Less than two months after the election of Photius, dissatisfied bishops organized a cathedral in the church of St. Irene , at which Photius was condemned in absentia, declared him deposed, and his followers excommunicated. In response, Photius convened his council in the Church of the Apostles , on which he imposed anathema on his opponents and condemned Ignatius ^{[36] [approx. 3]} . According to the Byzantine historian Zonare , this cathedral, together with that held later in 861, was collectively called the “First, Second, or Two-time Cathedral ” ^[38] .

Although the government did not take any retaliation against the Ignatian Cathedral, which continued for 40 days, the situation of the exiled Ignatius worsened. Initially, his servants tried to torture him to testify against him. Then Ignatius was transferred to the island of Hiera, where he was kept in a goat's stable. After imprisonment in Nomer , he was transferred to Mytilene in August 859. Supporters of Ignatius were also persecuted. So, a certain priest Blasius pulled out his tongue ^[39] . Public opinion, recorded in the numerous writings of the opponents of Photius, accused the new patriarch and Vardu of these events. Photius’s letters to the latter have been preserved, in which he regrets what is happening and sympathy for the victims of repression, saying that he repeatedly applied for milder measures of influence. According to the historian Cardinal J. Hergenreuther , these regrets and moral torment were not sincere, since otherwise he would have refused the position imposed on him ^[40] .

Strengthening his power, Photius put his supporters on key departments, displacing Ignatius’s supporters ^[41] . Asbestos was restored in Syracuse , Photius appointed his friend Zachariah in Chalcedon , Amphilochius with Kizik , with whom he supported scientific correspondence, etc. The party of Ignatians was led by Bishops and Stillian of Neocaesarea , as well as the archimandrite of the monastery . In general, this time the studites were less active than in previous splits. Perhaps this happened due to the appointment of rectors loyal to the government ^[42] .

An attempt to gain recognition of the election of Photius by the pope

According to established custom, the new Patriarch of Constantinople sent messages to the eastern patriarchs and the pope of Rome, in which he notified of his election and asked to be accepted into fellowship . Messages to the patriarchs were probably sent immediately, but the message to the pope, whom Nicholas I had been since April 858, was postponed until the time of unrest. Two letters were compiled - from the emperor and the patriarch. To deliver them to Rome, a representative embassy was sent, which included the emperor’s son-in-law Arsavir and four bishops, one of whom, Zachariah, had previously been in Rome, petitioning for Gregory Asbestos . Mikhail’s letter has not been preserved, and his text can be approximately reconstructed from Nikolai’s answer. It reported that Ignatius left his department for no reason, after which he was convicted and deposed on the basis of testimony at the cathedral. The former patriarch was also blamed for disobeying the decisions of Popes Leo and Benedict . Further, the letter reported on the iconoclastic movement resumed in Constantinople, to suppress which it was proposed to convene a cathedral with the participation of papal representatives ^[43] . Photius' letter resembled letters sent to the patriarchs and included a description of his anguish over his compelled consent to occupy the patriarchal throne, as well as a concise statement of the Orthodox creed . The embassy arrived in Rome in the summer of 860, and was received by the pope in the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore ^[44] .

Since the bishops who arrived were ordained by Photius, it is important in what capacity they were received by the pope — bishops or lay people. The sources do not give an explicit answer to this question, and the researchers answer it differently ^{[45] [46]} . Nicholas decided to use this situation to strengthen the authority of the papal throne and, believing the primacy of the Bishop of Rome to be an indisputable dogma , interpreted the appeal of the Byzantines as a request for the approval of a new patriarch, although no one addressed him. Accordingly, the pope assumed the role of supreme judge, he saw two violations in this case: firstly, the decision to remove Ignatius was made without the knowledge of the Roman pulpit and, secondly, the election of Photius from the laity is not canonical. This gave the pope the right to announce the trial of Ignatius and to appoint a re-investigation of the case through his legates , so that, on the basis of their report, he himself could decide in Rome. Nicholas convened a cathedral at which bishops Rodoald of Portoien and Zachariah were elected legates ^[47] . They were instructed, avoiding communication with Photius, to conduct an investigation in the case of Ignatius, and the authority to finally solve the iconoclastic issue at the Council of Constantinople. The legates were to transmit letters to the emperor and Photius ^{[approx. 4]} . In a larger letter to the emperor, tracing the apostolic succession from St. Peter , Nicholas explains why no case can be resolved without the consent of the Roman throne - all the more so when the patriarch is condemned without sufficient witnesses, who did not admit his guilt. Referring to the decisions of the Sardinian Council , as well as the decisions of his predecessors, the pope justified the non-canonical nature of the consecration of Photius from the laity. The pope also appeals to the emperor with a request to return the Roman church to the Thessalonian exarchate , the Sicilian and Calabrian patrimonies, and the right to appoint a Sicilian bishop. In a letter to Photius, without calling him a bishop, the pope regrets that he cannot recognize his consecration as correct, postponing his consent until the end of the investigation. At the same time, however, Nikolai refrained from declaring the deposition of Ignatius illegal ^[49] .

861 Cathedral

At the end of December 860, the Arsavir embassy, ​​together with the legates, arrived in Constantinople . In Rodosto, the ambassadors were met by officials sent by the government and the patriarch, who presented them with clothes as a gift. In the writings of the enemies of Photius, this was interpreted as a bribery of legates ^[50] , and then the legates themselves later made excuses to the pope that they were threatened with exile. In any case, they went beyond their original powers, agreeing to participate in the trial of Ignatius. At the same time, the Byzantine government announced this court not to review the decisions taken in 859, but only to a higher court, from which it is expected to confirm previous decisions ^[51] .

Since most of the acts of the cathedral, which began its work in the spring of 861 in the temple of the Apostles , were burnt at the Council of Constantinople in 869 after the return of the Ignatians to power, its progress is known mainly from the writings of the opponents of Photius. This representative assembly was attended by 318 bishops ^{[approx. 5]} , papal legates of Rhoald and Zachariah. Also present were Emperor Michael III and Caesar Varda . Apparently, at the first meeting, it was decided to call Ignatius , previously returned from exile ^[53] . After some bickering over what clothes he should appear in, Ignatius agreed to come to the cathedral. Arriving, Ignatius demanded that the legates expel the "adulterer" Photius from the cathedral, and after refusing he rejected the legality of this court. Then supporters of Ignatius began to demand his restoration, to which an objection was made that they themselves had once supported the election of Photius, and dignitaries began to try to get Ignatius to declare his renunciation of the patriarchal chair, which he refused to do. Ignatius did not attend the second meeting, demanding that, according to the decree of Pope Innocent I (402-417), the department should be returned to him during the proceedings ^[54] . Ignatius came to the next meeting after lengthy negotiations, and again they tried to force him to make a formal renunciation. Then 72 witnesses were presented, who showed that the election of Ignatius, made by the will of Empress Theodora , was contrary to the 30th apostolic rule and therefore was not canonical. After which Ignatius was found guilty and subjected to dissolution ^[55] .

The Council adopted 17 rules of a mainly disciplinary nature, the last of which henceforth forbade the construction of any of the laity in episcopal dignity. Pope Nicholas I called the cathedral of 861 “robber” and expressed dissatisfaction with the fact that the legates took the side of Photius; in the East, this cathedral was considered ecumenical ^[56] .

According to Nikita Paflagon , after being convicted at the Cathedral, Ignatius was forced to torture ^[57] , forcibly leading him with his hand, to sign an empty sheet on which it was later written that he was not canonically elected even after the election of the rules as a tyrant. Further, Nikita talks about the plans of Photius to bring Ignatius to the Cathedral of the Apostles, to anathematize and blind, after which in May 861 Ignatius, having changed clothes, fled and hid on remote islands ^[58] .

Rome's response

At the end of the summer of 861, the richly gifted legates, accompanied by the imperial ambassador Protasicritus Leo, set off on the return journey. The lion drove the pope cathedral acts, as well as the messages of Emperor Michael III and Patriarch Photius. The first of them, not preserved and reconstructed on the basis of Nikolai’s response, informed the pope about the trial of Ignatius and the verdict. The extensive epistle of Photius contained a detailed defense of both his particular case and his proposed vision of relations between local churches , excluding the subordination of the East to the West. Starting with the principle of Christian love, which Nikolai violated against him, Photius emphasized that the fulfillment of patriarchal duties was neither desirable nor pleasant for him. Then, with references to biblical and church-historical examples, Photius substantiated the admissibility of his election from the laity, recalling also the different customs of the local churches. Regretfully, Photius refused the request of the pope to surrender the Illyrian dioceses under his jurisdiction and transfer to him the right to appoint a Syracuse bishop. At the conclusion of his letter, Photius condemns the practice of illegal pilgrimages to Rome, when criminals, under the pretext of leaving for a pilgrimage, receive the patronage of the pope ^[59] . Photius' letter caused displeasure of the pope and he, in the presence of the imperial ambassador and clergy, announced that he did not give his legates the authority to decide matters and he did not agree with the deposition of Ignatius and the appointment of Photius ^[60] .

Having not reached their goals, in March 862, the Leo embassy set off back, receiving letters from Nikolai to Mikhail and Photius dated March 19, 862. The letter to Photius contained the rationale for the idea of ​​subordinating the Christian churches to Rome. Touching on the private affair of Photius, the pope parses his argument and finds it untenable, and the examples given by Photius from the history are not suitable for this case. Taking this into account, Nikolai decides on the need to review the case of Ignatius and does not approve the appointment of Photius. In a letter to Mikhail, developing the idea of ​​the primacy of the pope in less detail, Nicholas asks the emperor to counteract all those rebelling against Ignatius and repeats his sentence on Photius, whom he categorically calls "the fornicator." In a mild form, the pope emphasizes that his actions are led by concern for the imperial dignity and integrity of the Church of Constantinople. The pope also stated his point of view in the encyclical “Ad omnes fideles” published on March 18, 862, addressed to the Eastern patriarchs and the entire Christian world, ordering in the case of Photius and Ignatius to strictly adhere to papal decisions ^[61] . There was no response to the papal epistles from Constantinople.

In September of the same year, after Ignatius returned from wandering, one of his closest friends, Archimandrite Theognostus, fled to Rome. It is known that he arrived in Rome after the departure of Leo ^[62] . Perhaps already there he composed a note addressed to the pope, from which it could be concluded that the large party of supporters of Ignatius oppressed in Constantinople was ready to fully rely on the authority of the Roman pontiff ^[63] .

In April 863, a cathedral was held in Rome ^[64] , at which Photius and Gregory Asbest were convicted in absentia. The acts of the cathedral of 861 and the letters of the emperor were read. Zakhariya Ananyinsky, who was called to the cathedral, was also questioned, called to blame for the deposition of Ignatius, after which he himself was deposed and excommunicated. Photius was accused of belonging to a party of schismatics ^{[approx. 6]} , illegal election, convocation of an illegal council, persuading papal legates to violate their instructions, and prosecuting Ignatius supporters. At the verdict of the cathedral, Photius was declared deprived of his rank with the hope of restoration. The second part of the decisions of the council condemned Asbest and deprived him of dignity without hope of restoration, the third - deprived of the rank of all Photius' henchmen, and the fourth restored the rights of Ignatius and anathematized all who would prevent this restoration ^{[65] [66]} . From the pope’s letter to the eastern patriarchs of November 13, 866, it can be concluded that the deterioration of Nikolai’s attitude to Photius was influenced by rumors delivered to him by Theognostus ^[67] .

Reaction in Byzantium

The decision of the pope did not lead to a change in the position of the emperor and patriarch. After a short time, it became known to the wider public from rumors. According to J. Hergenreuther , this news made a huge impression, however, he cites only indirect evidence. According to Nikita Paflagon , at that time the persecution of Ignatius intensified, and attempts to lure his supporters to the side of Photius became more frequent with gifts and threats. At the same time, Ignatius continued to perceive himself as a bishop and act as a priest ^[68] .

In the summer of 865, Emperor Michael sent a very sharp letter to Rome, the text of which was not preserved. As far as one can judge from the pope’s response letter, the emperor pointed to Nicholas that he should have considered it an honor to be invited to the cathedral in Constantinople , and his legates were not needed there at all; that the eastern patriarchs agree with the patriarchate of Photius, who will remain a patriarch in addition to the consent of the pope; the emperor demanded the expulsion of Theognostus and other slanderers from Rome; threatened dad with revenge and denied his special privileges. Rome was disrespectfully called decrepit, and Latin - barbaric. There were also personal attacks on Nicholas. According to Cardinal Baronia , in this letter “the prince of demons through the prince of the earth raised the war against the prince of the apostles”, and Photius attributed it to authorship ^[69] . The opinion of the participation in its compilation of Photius was shared by J. B. Bury ^[70] . In his extensive reply, Nikolai refutes the theses of the imperial letter, elaborating on the idea of ​​separation of church and state authorities and the inadmissibility of orders in communion between the emperor and the pope. This was the case under the predecessors of Michael, and even in his previous letter. Once again, justifying the illegality of the court and the verdict against Ignatius, the pope asks: if Ignatius was lawfully convicted in 859, then why was a second trial necessary? Moreover, at a court of 859, witnesses were people who did not have the right to testify because of subordination to Ignatius or personal hostility to him. He also noted that the trial was under pressure from secular authorities. Further, Nicholas substantiated the reasons why this case could not be resolved without the participation of the pope, setting forth his theory of the privileges of the Roman throne. The pope resolutely rejected the demand to expel Theognost and others, defending his right to grant asylum. Returning to the case of Ignatius, Nikolai proposed to arrange a trial in Rome under his chairmanship, to which the parties would send their representatives or, if they had such a desire, could attend in person. If this request is fulfilled, the pope will allow the emperor church communion with Rome, Ignatius and his party, but not the party of Asbestos ^[71] .

Bulgarian Question

Researchers see the reason why Pope Nikolai in his decisions regarding Photius left an opportunity for compromise in the struggle for the Christianization of Bulgaria and other Slavic states ^[72] . At the time of the events described, the Bulgarians were still pagans, but it was obvious that their adoption of Christianity was a matter of the near future. In the conflict between the Prince of Great Moravia, Rostislav, and the King of the East Frankish Kingdom, Louis II, it was important to secure the support of the Bulgarians, whom each of the parties tried to make them their allies. In 845 and 852, Louis sent to the Bulgarians the embassy, ​​but then the influence of Rostislav won. In 855, the alliance between Moravia and Bulgaria fell apart, since the war with Louis Rostislav continued further alone, and by 861 include the conclusion of a formal alliance of the Bulgarians with the Franks. At his imprisonment, or around 863, Prince Boris I of Bulgaria (852–889) was invited to be baptized, to which he basically agreed. At the end of 862, Rostislav, along with his nephew Svyatopolk, sent an embassy to Constantinople to inform the Byzantine government of information about Louis’s plans and to send missionaries who could preach in Slavic . Probably, the prince knew about the relatively successful Khazar mission of Cyril and Methodius , which, as a result, were sent to preach in Moravia ^[73] .

In the spring of 864, the Byzantines, together with their Moravian allies, invaded Bulgaria, shortly afterwards Boris surrendered. As a result, the Bulgarians were baptized ^[74] , but not from the pope, as Nikolai expected, but from the Greeks ^[75] . Boris was extremely impressed with both the baptism ceremony held personally by the patriarch and Photius himself, as a result of which he wanted to have his own patriarch at his court. In response to this desire, he received a long message from Photius with recommendations on how a Christian ruler should behave in public and private life ^[76] . After that, Boris remembered the Frankish priests and addressed a message to Louis and Pope Nikolai. The Bulgarian embassy with a request for the appointment of the Bulgarian patriarch reached Rome in August 866. Seizing the opportunity, the pope agreed to the formation of a Bulgarian church directly subordinate to Rome. In a reply to Boris dated November 13, 866 ^[77], Nicholas emphasized the superiority of the Roman bishop over Constantinople, occupying only fourth place in the seniority of local churches . Also, as a source of civil law, it was not recommended the Justinian Code , but a collection of Lombard laws. Pope’s letters containing answers to dozens of questions that worried Bulgarians ^[78] were received with great satisfaction in Bulgaria. Allowing everyone — both men and women — to wear pants, as well as their own archbishop , who, according to the pope, is no worse than the patriarch, all the more so fake as Photius, completely satisfied Boris ^[79] . Under the influence of the pope and with the participation of his envoys to the court of Prince Boris, among whom was the future pope Formoz , Byzantine priests were expelled from Bulgaria, and the Byzantine rite was replaced by the Latin one ^[80] .

Building on the success achieved, in the spring of 867, the pope decided to send an embassy from Bulgaria to Constantinople with letters to the emperor, Photius, Varda, empresses, senators and some representatives of the clergy. The letter to Mikhail, written in a calmer tone than the letter from 865, again explained why Ignatius should be restored. The rest of the letters, written in approximately the same terms, left no doubt that the final goal of Nicholas was the fall of Photius. The delegation was stopped at the border, and having met a naturally cold reception, it was left to receive orders from the capital. In anticipation of the instructions, Byzantine officials detained the legates for 40 days. By this time, Byzantium had long been aware of Frankish innovations in Bulgaria: permission to use cheese and milk for Lent and, which from the point of view of the Church of Constantinople was an undoubted heresy, the doctrine of the descent of the Holy Spirit not only from the Father, but also from the Son, that is filioque . During the stay of the papal ambassadors, a cathedral was held in which all these ideas were condemned. The envoy returning to the legates informed of this decision and the necessary condition for their admission to the capital - the recognition of Photius as the only legitimate patriarch. Unable to agree to this, the legates returned to Bulgaria, taking away unread messages ^[81] .

Cathedral of Constantinople 867

Regardless of whether the expulsion of Greek missionaries from Bulgaria was a consequence of the denial of the hierarchy set by Photius or a hostile act against the entire Greek church, the Byzantine government was not ready to abandon its plans to expand its influence in the Balkans . Accordingly, the events demanded a response from the Patriarch of Constantinople. Although Latin ritual practices and filioque were condemned by the local council, Photius decided to convene a more representative assembly of bishops. As an invitation, Photius sent the District Epistle to the eastern patriarchs. In this document, Photius reports on the activities of Latin missionaries in Bulgaria, lists the ritual and dogmatic innovations that they have introduced, gives the latter a negative assessment on the basis of church tradition and canons, reports on the verdict handed down by the Council of Constantinople and invites the patriarchs to the new council where, in particular, they will be considered complaints from Pope Nicholas from the Italian bishops ^[82] .

The minutes of the cathedral were not preserved, which is why there is a point of view that it did not take place. Nevertheless, the surviving sources give reason to believe that in the summer of 867 a fairly representative cathedral was nevertheless held, at which Bulgarian problems were discussed, as well as accusations against the pope put forward by Italian and German bishops. Written and personal testimonies of witnesses were heard, on the basis of which the pope was convicted in absentia. According to Anastasius the Librarian , most of the assembly was against the verdict. Nikita Paflagon claims that Photius tried to win Louis the German to his side, promising him the imperial title after the pope was expelled from Rome, and according to Mitrofan of Smyrna , Louis was proclaimed emperor right at the cathedral ^[83] .

Most likely, the attacks on the pope were intended to change the situation in Bulgaria, impressing Boris , since Photius had previously advocated the admissibility of regional differences in church life. Also, the question of the filioque was hardly very acute, since when in his first letter to Nicholas Photius outlined his creed without adding “and from the Son,” this did not meet with objections from Nicholas. Due to the fact that Nicholas was able to convince the West that Photius' goal was to condemn the entire Latin church, and to make his throne first in importance, Photius did not find support ^[84] .

The overthrow of Michael and Photius

On September 24, 867, Emperor Michael III was killed as a result of the conspiracy of Vasily the Great (867–886). The need to justify the murder of his benefactor led to a campaign to blacken his memory and the need to abandon his policies. Thus, in church matters, Vasily had no choice but to support the party of Ignatius . Probably, the establishment of Basil’s contacts with the Ignatians should be attributed to the time of the murder of Varda in April 866 ^[85] .

The first actions of Vasily in the field of church policy were devoted to the cancellation of the beginnings of his predecessor. What exactly was the sequence of events that led to the deposition of Photius is unknown. It is believed that this happened either on the first day after the assassination of Michael, or shortly thereafter ^[86] . There are two versions of what were the immediate reasons for the deposition of Photius. According to the successor of George Amartol , the patriarch sharply opposed the actions of Basil, calling him a robber and a father-killer and refused communion ^[87] . Another version is given by Anastasius the Librarian , and according to her Photius peacefully left the patriarchal throne at the request of Vasily. According to A. Kazhdan , Vasily was guided by foreign policy considerations, counting on support from Western Europe in the fight against the Arabs ^[88] .

November 3, 867, on the anniversary of the beginning of his first patriarchate, Ignatius again headed the Church of Constantinople. Immediately after the accession to the throne of Vasily, the ambassadors to Italy were stopped, who were supposed to deliver the acts of the Cathedral of Constantinople to Louis the German. Then the embassy was sent to Rome to inform the pope about the changes. Received in the spring of 868, the message of Vasily Adrian II (867-872) was pleased to accept the incident as a result of the efforts of his predecessor. The imperial embassy reached Rome only at the end of the winter of 869, after which a cathedral was held in Rome, at which Photius and all the signing acts of the Council of Constantinople 867 were excommunicated, and the acts themselves brought by the ambassadors were solemnly burned. The returning embassy brought a letter to Ignatius in Constantinople, in which, in addition to the well-known allegations of the deposition of Photius, Gregory Asbestos and all the bishops whom they had placed, they indicated what should be done with those bishops who were ordained by the predecessors of Photius - in order to receive forgiveness, they should sign a special document Libellus satisfactionis ^{[approx. 7]} . The emperor was ordered to convene a large cathedral under the chairmanship of the legates , at which the acts of the councils convened by Photius were to be burned ^[90] .

Cathedral of Constantinople 869-870

According to F. Dvornik , Basil’s plans did not include the convening of a cathedral and a new consideration of already resolved issues. The emperor’s goal was to satisfy Pope Nicholas ’s desire and conduct proceedings with both parties in Rome, securing the support of the papal throne there, which he needed, taking into account the circumstances of his coming to power. He did not have the goal of completely destroying the party of Photius and the liberal church party. Probably, if he had timely learned about the death of Nicholas, he would have been able to achieve some concessions from the new pope ^[91] .

Nevertheless, the cathedral opened on October 5, 869, and the legates were surprised to find that the broad support for Ignatius that Theognostus spoke of in Rome was not really there - only 12 Ignatian bishops attended the first meeting. Three legates were also present (Bishops Donat of Ostia and Stephen of Nepia and Deacon Marin). Presbyter Ilya acted as a representative of the Patriarch of Jerusalem , Metropolitan Thomas of Tire was present from the Patriarch of Antioch, and there was no one from the Alexandrian Patriarchate . At the first meeting, the credentials of the foreign participants in the cathedral were verified and deemed sufficient ^{[approx. 8]} , after which "Libellus satisfactionis" was read. Under this document, which claimed the pope ’s leadership in the Christian church and the need to convict Photius without a court on the basis of his decision, it was necessary to sign and transmit each copy of such a receipt to the legates ^[93] . At the second meeting, a ceremony of forgiveness of the clergy who were in communion with Photius took place. There were few people wishing to sign the Libellus - 10 bishops, 11 elders , 9 deacons and 6 subdeacons ; they were also assigned a burdensome penance ^[94] . The third meeting, held on October 11, numbered 23 bishops and was devoted to unsuccessful attempts to obtain from two bishops the pre-Photian consecration, but who were in communion with Photius, to sign “Libellus” ^[95] . The fourth meeting was devoted to clarifying whether or not Pope Nicholas was accepted as bishops of Theophilus and Zechariah in Rome in 861? As it turned out, the people were perplexed - if they were recognized as such by the pope for even a minute, then this meant that he recognized the patriarchate of Photius. An attempt to resolve this issue without Feofil and Zakharia did not lead to anything and, after rejecting the protests of the legates, the bishops were invited to the cathedral. They said that they were serving the priesthood with the pope, and that legate Marin, who was there at that time, could confirm this. Marin denied this memory, after which the letters of Pope Nicholas were read out, from which it followed that he did not recognize Photius as a patriarch ^[96] .

Photius was invited to the fifth meeting of the council, whom they tried to persuade to condemn his errors, but instead Photius either answered in silence or indicated the illegality of his trial. The main argument of his opponents was that, stubbornly, Photius opposes himself to the whole church, which is represented by the five patriarchies ^[97] . Emperor Vasily took part in the sixth meeting, and a debate took place in his presence, during which the pupil Photius rejected the infallibility of the popes , indicating that earlier the popes made erroneous decisions, in particular when Pope Julius I accepted Markell Ankirsky during the period Arian disputes . After the reply of Mitrofan Smirnsky with the counterarguments of the Ignatians, the emperor’s appeal was heard, which outlined a sad picture in the Byzantine church and called on the photians to stop persisting in their errors ^[98] . After the seventh meeting, at which the anathema to Photius, Asbest and their supporters was proclaimed, another one took place, which also did not lead to a change in the positions of the parties ^[99] . The acts of the cathedrals held at Photius were burned on it. An attempt was also made to find persons representing the eastern patriarchies at the Cathedral of 867, and after the discovery they were recognized as having no authority. Then - that is, after the burning of the acts of the cathedral - the metropolitans were questioned whether they signed these acts, to which they answered negatively. All this, according to the legates, made the decision of the Lateran Council of 649 applicable to Photius, in which those guilty of forgery were condemned forever ^[100] .

Then, a break occurred in the activities of the cathedral until February 870, when the Alexandrian archdeacon Joseph joined the meetings, having indisputable authority to represent the Alexandrian church at the cathedral, issued by Patriarch . On February 12, he read out the message of the patriarch, from which it followed that in Alexandria they did not know very well the details of what was happening in Constantinople. The letter also provided an example from the “ Church History ” of Eusebius of Caesarea , describing the case when two patriarchs were simultaneously in Jerusalem in the III century ^[101] . Further, during the cathedral, witnesses were questioned who showed that in 861 Ignatius was illegally convicted, and that Photius did not show sufficient zeal in the instruction of Michael III and did not prevent him from drinking and blaspheming ^[102] .

At the last meeting, held on February 28, 870 in the presence of the emperor, his son Konstantin , 109 bishops , 20 patricians, the Bulgarian embassy and representatives of Louis the German , who arrived to negotiate the marriage of Constantine with his daughter Louis, read out the decisions of the cathedral. It was commanded in the strictest manner to observe what was decided by the popes Nicholas and Adrian; Photius was never a bishop, and all persons consecrated to them are deprived of their dignity; bishops and clergy, consecrated before Photius, but not obeying the cathedral, are cast down; all convicted by the council were deprived of the right to teach science and paint icons . A number of decisions of the council were aimed at limiting the influence of the state on church affairs - it was forbidden to raise laymen in church offices, the participation of emperor representatives in the election of a bishop was forbidden, as was the presence of emperors in cathedrals, with the exception of ecumenical ones ^[103] .

Already during the council, its Byzantine participants had concerns whether the decisions and subscriptions made would be used to strengthen the authority of the pope. Anastasius the Librarian reports an attempt by the imperial servants to steal the completed subscriptions from the legates. Even in the decisions of the cathedral, one can see an attempt to evade the exact fulfillment of the will of the pope. So, F. Dvornik notes that everywhere the pope was indicated, although the first, among other patriarchs ^[104] . Already after the closure of the cathedral, the purpose for which the Bulgarian embassy arrived was revealed - Prince Boris , offended by the pope for not wanting to appoint an archbishop of his choice, decided to raise the question of which patriarchy should obey Bulgaria . It is also possible that this step of Boris was caused by fears that Byzantium might support his son Vladimir in the internal struggle for power. Despite the protests of the legates that the cathedral has already been completed and they are not authorized to resolve issues that, in their opinion, relate only to the competence of the pope, the decision was made without their participation. At a meeting of the eastern patriarchs, it was decided that Bulgaria belongs to the Church of Constantinople ^{[105] [106]} .

For the first time after the cathedral in 870, Photius was imprisoned in one of the suburban monasteries. It soon became clear that the party of Ignatians, due to their small numbers, was not able to control the church, and the supporters of Photius did not show their intention to renounce their leader. Even according to the testimony of his opponents, among the supporters of Photius, no one denied him. In many cities, a bishop acted from each party, and after the death of the Ignatian bishop, there was often no one to replace him. When it became clear to the government that it was necessary to somehow return the party of Photius to power, the emperor entered into negotiations with Pope John VIII (872–882). However, even before Vasily received an answer to his question, the 80-year-old Ignatius died on October 23, 877 ^[107] . On the third day after his death, Photius returned to the patriarchal throne. By this time, in view of the difficult foreign policy situation in Italy, the pope had no choice but to accept Photius into fellowship, and in August 879 he sent a district message in which he urged the opponents of Photius to come to terms with him, regardless of the decisions adopted by the 870 council. Photius was finally restored to his rights by the decision of the cathedral , which took place from November 879 to March 880. It was found out at this council that the eastern patriarchs never refused to communicate with Photius, and the Alexandrian patriarch Michael II, through his envoy Cosmas, announced that Joseph, who represented his church in 869, was an impostor ^[108] . The Bulgarian question at this council was not resolved ^[109] .

The conflict of the moderate and radical parties in the Byzantine church did not end with the death of Ignatius and Photius, but continued until the end of the existence of the Byzantine Empire ^[110] .