Massacre on the Long Island Railroad

Youth

Colin Ferguson was born on January 14, 1958 in Kingston ( Jamaica ) ^[2] in the family of von Herman and May Ferguson. Von Herman, a wealthy pharmacist and pharmaceutical company manager ( Hercules Agencies ) ^{[3], has} been described by Time magazine as “one of the most influential businessmen in Jamaica” ^[4] .

Colin Ferguson's family, including his four brothers, lived in a two-story house with a nanny and housekeeper in the suburb of Kingston Havendeil. From 1969 to 1974, Ferguson attended the local Calabar night school ^[5] , whose principal described him as an “excellent student” who played cricket and football ^[2] . Ferguson finished school third in class ^[5] .

In 1978, when Colin Ferguson was 20 years old, his father von Herman died in a car accident, and government and military celebrities attended his funeral. Soon after, Colin's mother died of cancer. The death of parents put an end to family well-being ^[4] . Family friends noted that this greatly upset Colin. In 1982, he moved to the United States on a guest visa. His friends suggested that he had problems with racism in America ^[3] and he felt disappointed because he could not find work other than black ^[6] .

Life in the USA

Ferguson met Audrey Warren, a US citizen of Jamaican descent, and married her on May 13, 1986 ^[7] , which gave him the right to permanent residence in the United States. Ferguson and Warren moved to a Long Island house, where they often fought, sometimes to the point where police intervention was required ^[5] . May 18, 1988 ^[7] Warren got a divorce from Ferguson, stating that the marriage ended because they held "different social views." ^[8] Friends said that Warren left Ferguson because he was “too aggressive or hostile” towards her ^[6] and that divorce was a “crushing blow” for Ferguson ^[5] . He got a job as clerk at the Ademco Security Group in Sösset, New York (a village on the north coast of Long Island). On August 18, 1989, Ferguson slipped and fell out of a chair in search of bills from a file cabinet, injuring his head, neck and back ^[5] , which led to his dismissal ^[4] . He filed a complaint with the New York State Workers' Compensation Board , where his case was pending over the next few years. ^[2] Ferguson went to college in the Nassau area, where he was listed on the Dean’s list three times ^[4] . This year, he was forced to leave after a disciplinary committee hearing about his aggression against a teacher ^[2] .

“He was obsessed with racism. There was a feeling that he could bite. " - Hugh Wilson, professor at Adelphi University.

Original text

"Race was an obsession with him. There was a sense that one had that this was someone who could snap." -Hugh Wilson Adelphi University professor

- ^[9]

In late 1990, Ferguson transferred to the University of Adelphi in Garden City, where he studied business management ^[2] . He spoke out against coexistence with whites and usually called for violence and revolution, regularly accusing others of racism, even in the case of completely unremarkable clashes. He once accused a white woman in a library of shouting racist epithets at him after he asked her about a class assignment. No investigation was conducted into the incident. Later, Ferguson spoke at the symposium with the teacher about her life in South Africa and interrupted her with an exclamation “we should talk about the revolution in South Africa and how we can get rid of whites!” ^[9] and “Kill all whites!” ^[4] . When students and teachers tried to calm him down, Ferguson began to threaten them, periodically announcing "The Black Revolution will get you!" ^[9] . In June 1991, due to threats, he was temporarily suspended from school ^[9] and, although he could resume his studies at the end of this measure, he chose not to do this ^[2] .

Two years before firing

In 1991, Ferguson rented a room in Flatbush County ( Brooklyn ) ^[2] , he was unemployed ^[4] and lived among immigrants from western India. The neighbors said that he dressed very neatly, but he kept himself closed and rarely smiled at anyone or talked with someone, only occasionally he greeted someone ^[2] . However, his landlord Patrick Dennis said that once Ferguson told him: “I am a great man. This is the only thing that holds me back. These are white people. ” ^[5] . In 1992, Ferguson's ex-wife Audrey Warren filed a complaint with the police, accusing him of trying to open the trunk of her car. Prior to this, Warren had not seen him since the divorce. ^[4] In February 1992, Ferguson was arrested and charged with harassing a woman on the subway. The woman wished to take a seat next to him and asked him to move, after which he yelled at her and clamped her elbow and leg until the ripened police officers laid him on the floor. Ferguson tried to escape and shouted: “Brothers, come to my aid!” ^[10] . He sent letters to the New York Police Commissioner and other senior officials complaining about his arrest, describing him as “malleable (as in the original) and racist” ^[2] and accusing the police officers who arrested him of ill-treatment. Representatives of the New York City Transit Authority investigated his complaints and dismissed them. ^[11]

In September 1992, Ferguson made a payment of $ 26,250 at his request for labor compensation from Ademco Security Group . In April 1993, Ferguson insisted that he was still in pain and demanded that the case be resumed so that he could receive additional funds for treatment ^[5] . In the following weeks, he visited a law firm in Manhattan . Lauren Abramson, a lawyer who provided him with advice, said that she immediately felt uncomfortable in Ferguson’s company, which threatened her. She asked the clerk to be present at the conversation, saying: “I do not want to be alone with him” ^[2] . Although Ferguson dressed neatly, he behaved strangely and called himself a fake name before saying his real name. Months later, Ferguson began calling employees of the firm, threatening them, claiming that they had discriminated against him. In one of the calls, he mentioned the massacre that happened in California. Frightened by the calls, the lawyers began to lock the front doors of the office. Ferguson turned to the New York State Worker's Compensation Board to renew the case. In view of his perseverance, the bureau examined the case, but ultimately rejected it ^[2] . Employees of the bureau placed Ferguson on the list of potentially dangerous individuals, for which the guard should have been supervised ^[4] .

In April 1993, ^[5] Ferguson moved to California in search of career opportunities. He unsuccessfully tried to get into several places, including a car wash, where the manager laughed him. Ferguson purchased for $ 400 a 9-mm Ruger P-89 pistol from Turner's Outdoorsman in Long Beach after a 15-day wait under California arms laws ^{[11] [12]} . Ferguson pretended to be a permanent resident of California, providing a driver’s license two months earlier, which indicated the address of the motel in Long Beach , where he stayed ^[12] . After he was robbed by two robbers, he began to constantly carry a pistol in his briefcase ^[5] . In May 1993, he moved back to New York, explaining to his friend that he did not want to compete with immigrants and Hispanics for the workplace ^[4] . Dennis, the owner of the apartment he rented in Fletbush, said that upon his return Ferguson looked even more unbalanced, speaking in the third person about “a certain scenario of the Last Judgment of the apocryphal type”, in which blacks rise and overthrow “their pompous rulers and oppressors” ^{[ 5]} . Ferguson began to take showers five times a day, a neighbor often heard him sing at night: “all black people will kill all white people” ^[5] . Dennis became increasingly worried about Ferguson's obsession with racism and overtly growing mental instability and demanded that Ferguson move out by the end of the month ^[5] .

On December 7, 1993, Ferguson bought a ticket for an eastbound train departing at 17:33 from the Atlantic terminal in Brooklyn. The train stopped at the Jamaica station in Queens . He sat at the southwestern end of the third wagon ^{[13] of the} eastbound Long Island Rail Road (LIRR) train from Penn Station to Mineola, along with 80 passengers. He had a canvas cover, where there was a pistol and 160 rounds ^{[6] [14]} . As the train approached Merilon Avenue Station, Ferguson pulled out his weapon, dropping a few charges to the floor, and opened aimless fire. Over the next three minutes, he killed six and wounded 19 people. Some passengers mistakenly took shots for the pops of a car muffler or fireworks until a woman screamed: “He has a weapon! He shoots at people! ” ^[13] . Ferguson went to the east end of the car, pulling the trigger every half second. Several passengers tried to hide under the seats, while the rest fled to the eastern end of the train and tried to cross into a neighboring carriage. Ferguson walked along the aisle of the train and shot people left and right, passing by each seat, meeting each victim face to face for a short time before the shot. The New York Times later described his actions as “methodical, as if he were checking tickets.” ^[13] Moving along the aisle, Ferguson repeated again and again “I will get you” ^[14] .

The shooting occurred in wagons # 9891 and # 9892 (a standard pair of wagons of the M3 electric train). After the shooting and trial, the wagon numbers were changed to # 9945-46 to maintain consistency. Wagons are still in operation under these numbers ^[15] . According to other sources, the wagons were decommissioned as evidence for subsequent trials, appeals and inevitable lawsuits.

Other passengers of the train did not know at all that the shooting was going on until the train stopped. When a crowd of frightened passengers ran through the third carriage to neighboring cars, one of the passengers looked annoyed by their behavior and said: “Be calm,” after which the passengers opened the door of the train and jumped out to the station ^[13] . Two passengers were injured while fleeing. Having learned about the shooting, the train driver decided not to open the car doors, since the two cars were not yet on the platform. An announcement was made for conductors not to open the doors, however, engineer Thomas Silhan climbed out of the car window and opened every door outside so that panicky passengers could escape ^[11] .

During the shooting, Ferguson emptied two 15-charge clips. When he inserted the third, someone shouted “Grab him!” ^[13] . Passengers Kevin Blum, Mark McCanty and Mike O'Connor grabbed the gunner and pressed him to the seat of the train ^[14] . Several passengers rushed to their aid, clutching Ferguson to a three-seater seat, so that his head was directed to the window and his legs to the aisle. Pushed to the seat Ferguson said: “Oh God, what have I done? What I've done? I deserve what I got. ” ^[13] He also asked those who captured him: “Do not shoot me. Sorry. Sorry". He was held by five or six people, waiting for help. Passengers holding the criminal also looked around for weapons, and were convinced that they were thrown aside and in the car only one shooter. Most, if not all passengers, were sure that more shooting would not follow and that the shooter should be kept, not attacked. He was held for several minutes. Soon, Andrew Roderick, a Long Island Railroad police officer who was out of service and met his wife, got into the carriage and handcuffed Ferguson ^[14] .

Six passengers died from injuries:

1. Amy Federici , 27-year-old corporate interior designer from Mineola, New York ^[8]
2. James Gorycki , 51-year-old accountant from Mineola. ^[11] .
3. Mi Kyung Kim, 27 years old from New Hyde Park, New York ^[16] .
4. Maria Theresa Tumangan Magtoto, 30-year-old lawyer from Westbury, New York ^[16] .
5. Dennis McCarthy, 52-year-old office manager from Mineola. His son Kevin was seriously injured. His wife Caroline McCarthy ^[16] was elected to the US House of Representatives in 1996.
6. Richard Nettleton is a 24-year-old student from Roslyn Heights, New York. ^[16]

Police detectives later stated that Ferguson had planned the action for at least a week. Joseph Flynn, chief of the Long Island Railroad Police, said: “It was the work of a crazy maniac who decided to explode for a number of reasons.” ^[13] Among the victims of Ferguson there was not a single Negro, although it remains unclear whether other black passengers rode the train. Ferguson did not show emotion when he was seated in a police car, some passengers said that it shocked and alarmed them just like the shooting itself. Seeing Ferguson, one of the victims fell into hysteria and exclaimed: “how can he sit so calmly after all he has done?” ^[13]

Police found scraps of notebook paper in Ferguson’s pockets with illegible notes of “reasons for this” ^[10] . One of the entries mentioned "the racism of the whites and uncles of the Tom" ^[2] . Mention was made of "false allegations against me of dirty white racist line No. 1" in connection with the February 1, 1992 arrest. Ferguson's notes express anger against the New York State Workers Compensation Bureau, Asians, Marco Cuomo ( New York State Governor ) ^[11] and “so-called civil rights activists such as Rev. Herbert Daughtry , C. Vernon Mason, and Calvin O. Butts ” ^[2] . The names and phone numbers of the Deputy Governor, Attorney General, and the law firm in Manhattan, whose employees Ferguson had previously threatened before ^[2] , were referred to as “these corrupt black lawyers who not only refused to help me, but also tried to steal,” my car ” ^[11] . Records show that Ferguson planned to commit a murder outside of New York City out of respect for the departing mayor David Dinkins and police commissar Raymond Kelly ^[11] .

In the course of many hours of interrogation in the office of the district attorney of the district of Nassau, Ferguson did not show that he was repenting. Officials said: “He was clear and clear and understood what was happening” ^[11] . December 8, 1993 he was brought to trial. During the indictment, he never said anything and did not try to make a deal with the prosecution. The court decided to keep him in custody without the possibility of release on bail. ^[2] When he was escorted from the courtroom, a reporter asked him if he hated whites, to which Ferguson replied: “This is a lie” ^[11] .

President Bill Clinton made a statement regarding the shooting, calling the incident "a terrible human tragedy." ^[17] The day after the shooting, Clinton announced that he had asked Attorney General Janet Reno to consider the proposal of the newly elected Mayor of New York, Rudolf Giliani, to introduce a unified national permitting system for arms buyers. Clinton noted the murders committed by Ferguson as a factor in supporting the program, which includes checking personal data, tests and renewals every two years ^[17] . A week after the shooting, Clinton visited O'Connor, Blum and Macanthi. ^[18] In his first speech after being elected mayor, Giliani mentioned the shooting of Ferguson while repeating his calls for the death penalty and the unified law on issuing weapons permits ^[19] . During his monthly radio address, Governor Marco Cuomo called Ferguson’s shooting “a dramatic spectacular massacre” ^[11] and called for increased arms control measures ^[7] . Senator El D'Amato said that the Ferguson case has demonstrated the need to impose the death penalty in New York State, because "this is the only suitable punishment for this cold-blooded killer." ^[7]

Many members of African American society have expressed concern that Ferguson’s shooting will lead to a retaliatory outbreak of violence and racial hostility against black society ^{[7] [8] [20]} . Human rights activists Al Sharpton and Herbert Daughtry insisted that African Americans in general cannot be held responsible for this massacre. Sharpton in particular criticized what he called attempts to “demonize discontent with whites and Hispanics,” linking these groups to murders ^[7] . Human rights activist Jesse Jackson delivered a sermon at the Incarnation Cathedral in Garden City in a service attended by family members of the victims. Audrey Warren, in a statement after the shooting, expressed condolences to the victims and their families. Jackson emphasized that the shooting was one man’s action and may not be indicative of all African-Americans ^[8] . The day after the shooting, Nassau County Administrator Thomas Gulotta called Ferguson "an animal." Jackson and other African-American leaders criticized his comment as racist, but Gulotta later stated that his statement had nothing to do with the racial theme ^[20] .

At a press conference at the Long Island Railroad Police Charity Association, a few days after the shooting, the trains were called “unsafe” and the need to triple the number of police officers was said (by then, there were 216 people). Long Island Rail executives responded that crimes against passengers have fallen over the past few years. ^[7] In response to the gunfire, the Long Island Rail and Metro North Railways stationed more police on trains and increased police visibility. ^[21] Long Island Rail executives also provided consultants for passengers and sent senior rail officials on trains to answer passenger questions. ^[11] The New York Times has called for greater arms control, with emphasis on the ease with which Ferguson acquired weapons in California, which passed one of the country's most stringent arms control laws. ^[12] Several students at Adelphi University expressed concern that Ferguson might take a train with the intention of reaching the university and shoot people there in retaliation for his past misadventures, although the train he was traveling on did not go close to the university ^[9] . In an interview with the press, passengers spoke more about their fears and psychological injuries caused by the incident than about avoiding traveling by train ^[22] .

First Court Hearing

On December 11, 1993, Anthony J. Phalang was appointed Ferguson's lawyer. He requested a psychiatric examination for his client. According to the laws of the State of New York, a defense based on the insanity of the defendant had to prove that he was suffering from a mental illness or disorder, and, as a result, could not realize whether his actions were right or wrong. By that time, lawyers and psychiatric experts had stated that his defense was becoming more difficult since Ferguson apparently carefully planned his attack, and after he was captured, he said: “Oh God, what I did.” However, the news circulated in the news and in the arguments of experts that the defense would be able to prove that Ferguson was suffering from paranoia , especially on the basis of Ferguson’s irrational racist allegations and complaints that he was discriminated against by white ^[6] . Ferguson was placed in the Nassau County Prison under supervision to prevent suicide attempts ^[18] .

On December 18, 1993, Ferguson demanded that the judge replace Phalanx with Brooklyn lawyer Colin A. Moore, who had a reputation as a fighter against racism in the criminal justice system. Moore proposed representing Ferguson's pro bono interests. Before a decision was made on request, Moore gave a press conference where he announced that he would seek a court transfer to Brooklyn, saying that it would be impossible for Ferguson to receive an impartial tribunal in Nassau County due to a perceptible shortage of African Americans in the Nassau County jury ^[23] . Moore later declined the offer to represent Ferguson, mentioning conflicts that he didn’t talk about ^[24] . Ferguson explained to the judge that he doubted the integrity of the Phalanx, expressed disagreement with his approach to the process and his unwillingness to cooperate with him ^[25] . The psychiatrist Dr. Alain Reichman, who interrogated Ferguson, showed in his report that he might have pretended to be suffering from a mental illness when he spoke of conspiracies against him. Reichman noted that Ferguson’s statements were “vague and somewhat evasive” in contrast to the usually detailed and highly detailed nature of systematic paranoiac thinking ^[26] . On January 5, 1994, a court-appointed psychologist and psychiatrist concluded in a report that Ferguson could stand trial ^[27] .

Indictment

On January 19, 1994, three days after the evidence was presented, the grand jury filed a 93-point indictment against Ferguson, which could be punished in 175 years in prison. Nassau County Attorney Dennis Dillon said he would seek maximum punishment: “This is not quite an eternity, but it will be done” ^[28] . He also said that he would not go to any deals with protection. The indictment included two points for each victim who was killed: for intentional killing and indifference to human life. The act also included 19 attempted murders, 34 assaults, illegal possession of weapons, an intention to use weapons, violating the civil rights of each of the 25 victims, and an “intention to harass, attack, threaten and harass” victims “based on their race, color or ethnic origin” ^[28] .

On March 1, 1994, legal partners William Kunstler and Ron Kubi, known for representing the interests of unpopular clients, announced that they had received Ferguson’s request to conduct his case ^{[29] [30]} . Kunstler said he would not charge for protection. He said that the media and society made Pargius out of Ferguson. ^[30] In April 1994, District Attorney Dillon introduced a gag order for all lawyers involved in the case, claiming that Kunstler and Kubi made statements to the press that could be unacceptable to the court and could affect possible juries. Kunstler and Kubi replied that finding 12 impartial jurors was not a problem and stated that Ferguson had already been publicly attacked in the press by authorities and police officials. ^[31] Nassau County Judge Donald E. Belfi canceled the non-disclosure order on April 23, saying the effect of the inflammatory statements made by lawyers, politicians, and the police had already subsided months before the trial began. However, Belfi warned lawyers on both sides to abide by the state’s professional discipline standards, which in themselves limit commentary to news organizations. ^[32]

Prison Assaults

After a week of imprisonment, Ferguson began to complain about the appeal, saying that the jailers attack him with milk boxes and fire extinguishers and deprive him of the necessary, including soap and antiperspirant spray ^[23] . Ferguson said: “Of course, in [this] institution they don’t feel sympathy for me. When I suffered and shouted they told me that this was a good sign for the prison guard, as they hoped for my quick departure from life. ” ^[25] . Ron Kubi later stated that Ferguson was often persecuted in the Nassau County prison and asked the Department of Justice to intervene to ensure Ferguson’s safety. ^[33]

March 23, 1994, returning to the cell from the medical unit, Ferguson was attacked by a group of prisoners. He escaped with a broken nose and a swollen left eye. Kubi warned the prison administration that an attack was imminent, officials were preparing to take action when the attack occurred. Kubi, he said, was warned by another prisoner about the attack. He said: “The words are gone. Everyone in prison knew what would happen to him ” ^[33] . Kubi called the causes of the attack racial and later accused some officials and security guards that they knew about the impending attack. Five inmates were charged with a second-degree assault for participating in the assault: Frank Cordero, 36; Robert Drobyshewski 24 years; James Doukas (23 years old) Marcos Flores ( Marcos Flores ) 30 years and Edward MacKenzie ( Edward MacKenzie ) 38 years ^[34] .

In November 1994, Ferguson's lawyers accused the prison guards of taunting their client, saying that electing the death penalty to be governor, George Pataki, means Ferguson would be executed if convicted. Ferguson's lawyers said the guards showed him newspaper editorials about Pataki and said that Ferguson would "go to the electric chair soon." Ferguson was deeply concerned about these allegations, despite assurances from lawyers that the death penalty could only be imputed for crimes committed after its introduction into law. Ferguson did not believe these words until the judge, at the request of Kunstler, told him the same thing ^[35] .

Black Wrath Defense

Kunstler and Kubi proposed a new defense system based on the assumption that Ferguson fell into a state of affect while in a mental state called by the advocates “black anger”. Kunstler and Kubi argued that Ferguson had lost his mind due to racial prejudice and could not be held legally responsible for his actions, even though he had committed the killings. ^[31] Lawyers compared his condition with phenomena such as battered women syndrome, post-traumatic stress disorder and child abuse , which in some cases denies legal liability ^[36] . Kubi stated that the remarks made by Ferguson on the day of his arrest show that his motive during the shooting was rage ^[37] . Nassau County Judge Donald E. Belfi, who was running the Ferguson case, criticized Kunstler for telling the press about alleged defense tactics before examining a psychiatrist expert. Belfi said: “Mr. Kunstler can have many talents, but until he received his medical degree with a specialization in psychiatry, conclusions of this kind should in fact be provided to medical experts and persons appointed by the court” ^[32] .

Ferguson began by stating that he hadn’t taken part in the Long Island Railways firing at all and constantly refused to meet with the psychiatrist who had been found by Kunstler and Kubi. Ferguson told lawyers that he had received messages from God himself and spoke about conspiracies of those who are against God with the goal of destroying him ^[37] . On August 12, 1994, Kunstler and Kubi asked Judge Belfi to review Ferguson’s ability to stand trial, saying that day after day his mind was more and more obsessed with illusions, paranoia and obsessions, and that he was too mentally unbalanced to support any kind of defense ^{[ 37]} . George Peck (prosecutor at the Ferguson trial) insisted that Ferguson's apparent reluctance to cooperate with his lawyers was a defense tactic to avoid trial. ^[38]

On August 20, 1994, Ferguson appeared before Judge Belfi and stated that he rejected the actions of lawyers who declared him mentally unfit to stand trial. Ferguson spoke for a long time and incoherently, from time to time ignoring the judge when he tried to interrupt him. Фергюсон заявил, что полицейский, конвоировавший его из тюрьмы, сказал ему: «Вы знаете, что на самом деле в стрельбе виновен некто другой» ^[26] . На вопрос, понимает ли Фергюсон роль прокурора, он ответил: «Совершать несправедливости против меня» ^[26] . Канстлер и Куби доказывали, что поведение Фергюсона указывает на его душевный дисбаланс. Но Белфи отклонил ходатайство защиты пересмотреть вменяемость подсудимого, приведя доклад первичного психиатрического обследования, где делался вывод, что Фергюсон понял обвинения, выдвинутые против него и прибег к симуляции , пытаясь создать впечатление, что он психически неуравновешен и неспособен сотрудничать со своим адвокатом. Когда Белфи закончил судебное разбирательство, Фергюсон пытался продолжить разговор. Когда охрана надела на него наручники, он закричал: «Они затянули слишком туго!» и упал на пол. Охранникам пришлось выволакивать его из зала суда ^[26] . Денис Диллон предположил, что Канстлер пытался создать «такую странную ситуацию» что суд отменит своё прежнее постановление ввиду невменяемости Фергюсона ^[39] .

Отвод Канстлера и Куби

20 сентября 1994 года Канстлер и Куби написали записку, что будут настаивать на линии защиты, основанной на невменяемости, несмотря на протесты их клиента. Фергюсон продолжал утверждать, что не участвовал в стрельбе и предложил защищать себя сам в ходе суда ^[39] . В последующие месяцы Фергюсон послал судье Белфи несколько писем касательно споров между ним и адвокатами. В письмах Фергюсон заявлял, что не является душевнобольным и отверг линию защиты «гнев чёрных». Хотя Джордж Пек утверждал, что письма доказывают способность Фергюсона понять обвинения, выдвинутые против него, и он может активно участвовать в процессе, Куби доказывал, что письма демонстрируют только спутанное состояние рассудка Фергюсона. 11 ноября Фергюсон согласился с тем, что не будет сопротивляться тому, чтобы с ним встретился назначенный судом психиатр. В результате судья Белфи согласился провести третье слушание, если Фергюсон будет годен психически чтобы предстать перед судом ^[35] .

10 декабря 1994 судья Белфи постановил, что Фергюсон может предстать перед судом. Белфи сказал, что его решение частью основано на его беседах с Фергюсоном в зале суда, было учтено беспокойство Фергюсона обещанием губернатора Джорджа Патаки подписать закон о введении смертной казни. Белфи настоятельно советовал Фергюсону отбросить мысль защищать себя самому, но тот заявил, что намерен защищать себя сам. Куби сказал по поводу этого решения: «Мы вновь вернулись к тому с чего начинали. Безумец не может защищать себя сам. Мистер Фергюсон, несмотря на доказательства обратного, считает, что он невиновен, и кто-то другой убил всех тех несчастных на поезде.». Куби продолжал: «Без психиатрической защиты у Фергюсона вообще нет никакой защиты. Нет никаких сомнений в том, что он был там, что он вёл огонь из оружия, что он стрелял бы и дальше, если бы его не свалили на пол. Нет сомнений, что если Фергюсон вменяем, то он виновен» ^[40] .

Суд над Фергюсоном проходил весьма странно, так как он допрашивал на перекрестных допросах полицейских, арестовавших его, и жертв, в которых он стрелял. События суда передавались в прямом эфире местной прессой и Court TV. Одновременно на западном побережье шёл процесс по делу Симпсона , что в значительной степени отвлекало внимание публики ^[41] .

Фергюсон доказывал, что обвинение из 93 пунктов связано с 1993 годом и будь на дворе 1925 год, то обвинение состояло только из 25 пунктов ^[42] . Он согласился с тем, что принёс оружие в вагон поезда, но заявлял, что заснул и другой человек выхватил у него оружие и поднял стрельбу ^[43] . Также он заявил, что таинственный человек по имени мистер Су обладает информацией о заговоре против него. Он также нашёл другого человека, который желал показать, что правительство вживило компьютерный чип в мозг Фергюсона, но в последнюю минуту решили не вызывать его давать показания ^[44] . Этим человеком был Рауль Диас, парапсихолог из Манхэттена, который заявил на пресс-конференции на ступенях суда, что был свидетелем того, как человек восточной внешности вживил чип в голову Фергюсона перед нападением ^[45] . Согласно Диасу, восточный человек сказал ему смотреть на то, что он сделает, перед тем как нажмёт кнопку. Диас сказал репортёрам за пределами зала суда: «Он управлялся лазером через устройство дистанционного управления. Он находился сумеречной зоне. Ему было приказано идти по проходу и стрелять в людей» ^[45] .

Свои перекрестные допросы Фергюсон в основном начинал словами «Это ваши показания…» и просто вынуждал свидетелей повторять показания, сделанные ими ранее. В ходе перекрёстных допросов Фергюсон часто говорил о себе как о третьем лице, особенно когда спрашивал жертв: «Видели ли вы Колина Фергюсона…», на которые свидетели отвечали «Я видел, как вы стреляли в меня». Юристы обращали внимание, что вопросы Фергюсона были бессмысленными и не были направлены на опровержение показаний. Фергюсон не опротестовывал показаний и неопровержимых доводов и таким образом потерял права подавать апелляцию на основе этого. Среди свидетелей защиты, явки которых требовал Фергюсон, был и президент Билл Клинтон ^[46] .

Фергюсон хотел сначала спрашивать себя самого как свидетеля, но в итоге отказался от этого. Он говорил судье и журналистам, что намеревался вызвать свидетелей, которые докажут его невиновность, включая эксперта-баллистика, графолога и двух настоящих очевидцев, но они побоялись прийти на суд. В итоге он никого не вызвал. Он также говорил судье Белфи о заговоре Лиги защиты евреев с целью убить его в тюрьме, если он будет осуждён. Он сказал, что убийство в тюрьме серийного убийцы Джеффри Дамера «было прелюдией расправы надо мной» ^[47] .

17 февраля 1995 года Фергюсон был осуждён за убийство шестерых пассажиров, умерших от ран, и за попытку убийства девятнадцати раненых пассажиров. Он получил 315 лет и восемь месяцев заключения, что означает, что ближайшей датой его возможного освобождения станет 6 августа 2309 года. Судья сказал: «Колин Фергюсон никогда не вернётся в общество и проведёт остаток своей биологической жизни в тюрьме». Судья своим приговором подверг критике вызывающий споры закон штата Нью-Йорк Sentencing Cap Law . Согласно этому закону все преступления, совершённые в поезде, были частью одного дела (поскольку непосредственно в самой резне никто не погиб), таким образом все сроки по этим делам он должен был отбывать одновременно и срок его заключения следовало ограничить 50 годами ^[48] . При оглашении приговора судья назвал Фергюсона «эгоистичным самодовольным трусом». После осуждения Фергюсон мог подать апелляцию на основании того, что у него был некомпетентный адвокат (он сам).

После вынесения приговора Фергюсон был заключён в исправительное учреждение « Аттика » в северной части штата Нью-Йорк ^[49] . В 2013 году он был переведён в исправительное учреждение максимального уровня безопасности «Апстейт», расположенное на крайнем севере штата ^[1] .

В 1994 году Фергюсон подрался со своим сокамерником Джоэлом Рифкином . Фергюсон потребовал от Рифкина соблюдать тишину, пока он разговаривает по телефону. Согласно газете New York Daily News , драка началась после того, как Фергюсон заявил Рифкину: «Я уничтожил шесть бесов [белых людей], а ты всего лишь убивал женщин» на что Рифкин ответил: «Ага, но я убил больше», в ответ Фергюсон ударил Рифкина по рту ^[50] .

Кэролайн Маккарти, чей муж Деннис был убит Фергюсоном, а сын Кевин получил тяжёлое ранение, была впоследствии избрана в Конгресс США на платформе контроля над оружием ^[51] . Она решила баллотироваться в Конгресс после того, как депутат от её района Дан Фриза проголосовал против штурмового оружия ^[52] . Она также подала в суд на компанию Olin Corporation партнёра Winchester Ammunition за качество их продукции и халатность при производстве пуль «Чёрный коготь», использованных Фергюсоном. В патронах находились пули с полым наконечником, разрывающиеся при взрыве, что усугубляло тяжесть ранений. За месяц до стрельбы Фергюсона Winchester Ammunition объявила, что по доброй воле снимает с рынка пули «Чёрный коготь» ^[6] . Иск Маккарти был не удовлетворён по многим причинам в основном, потому что законы штата Нью-Йорк не предусматривают ответственности производителей за криминальное использование их продукции ^[53] . Против железной дороги Лонг-Айленда и её партнёра компании Metropolitan Transportation Authority было подано, по меньшей мере, полдюжины исков по поводу стрельбы. Кэролайн Маккарти подала иск на возмещение ущерба в 36 млн долларов против этих двух компаний заявляя, что они не обеспечили достаточную защиту для пассажиров, должны были установить детекторы металла и посылать полицейских в штатском. Сумма иска состояла из 1 млн за страдания Денниса Маккарти, 10 млн за его смерть и ранения выживших и 25 млн за ранения Кевина Маккарти ^[54] .

Фергюсон стал героем комедийного скетча программы Saturday Night Live , его роль сыграл Тим Мидоус, который объявил: «Я не стрелял в них, они стреляли в меня» и задавал вопросы о стрельбе в него самого свидетелям, дававшим показания в суде ^[55] .

Вагон (M3 9892) в котором произошла стрельба, был переоборудован, получил новый номер (9946) и всё ещё используется железной дорогой Лонг-Айленда.

Летом 1993 года железная дорога Лонг-Айленда представила развлекательную пьесу Murder on the Montauk Express на своём первом пятничном поезде до курортов Хемптона и Монтока. После убийств Фергюсона показ не возобновлялся.

В 2002 году судебный консультант Марк С. Бардвелл ( Mark C. Bardwell ) и профессор криминальной юстиции Брюс А. Арриго ( Bruce A. Arrigo ) выпустили книгу, в которой исследовали вопросы компетенции в деле Фергюсона.