De la Rock, Francois

Francois de la Roque - a representative of the hereditary military aristocracy. His father, Raymond de la Roque ( fr. ), Was a general in the French army. The older brother, Raymond, commanded the battalion and died in World War I. The younger brother, Pierre, was an adviser to the Count of Paris . Two sons were military pilots and died during combat missions. Great-grandfather de la Roque fought against the French Revolution ^[1] in the troops of the first anti-French coalition of 1792.

In 1905, François de la Roque graduated from the elite military school of Saint-Cyr . He served in North Africa as a cavalryman and military intelligence officer. In 1914-1916 he participated in the First World War . In 1918 he received command of the battalion, becoming the youngest battalion commander of the French army. He was wounded three times. He was awarded the Military Cross and the Order of the Legion of Honor .

In 1919-1927 he served in the headquarters of Marshal Foch , was a member of the French military mission in Eastern Europe. He proposed strengthening military assistance to Poland as a barrier against the USSR and Germany. He participated in the Reef War . He retired in 1928.

He joined the veteran organization “ Fire Crosses ”. Since 1932 he led her in the status of colonel . Under the leadership of de la Roque, the relatively small and fundamentally apolitical veteran association turned into a mass conservative movement.

In 1934 de la Roque set out his socio-political views in the book Service public ( "Public Service" ). His program was in line with the right-wing national - patriotism and conservative traditionalism . The cessation of the class struggle and party conflicts, the strengthening of state power, the transition from parliamentary to presidential rule, the strengthening of traditional Catholic morality, the social responsibility of capital and interclass cooperation - all this did not go beyond the framework of right-wing conservatism and social Catholicism . De la Rock advocated full Jewish and female equality. In foreign policy, he considered optimal the gradual formation of the "United States of Europe" on the basis of economic integration. Such positions were fully integrated into the political system of the Third Republic .

However, de la Roque's membership in a noble family with a counter-revolutionary reputation, leadership of the organization of former military personnel, and a tendency to meaningful silence (usually not implying anything) created an inadequate image of a military conspirator, royalist , and even a “fascist” for the left. The latter characteristic was disproved in special studies and reviews ^[2] . Rather, de la Rock was an opponent of fascism - as a radical and “ plebeian ” movement from the point of view of an aristocrat in a number of generations.

Because of his conservatism, François de la Roque was in opposition to the liberal and centrist governments. However, he strictly complied with the rule of law. During the riots of February 6, 1934, the Fire Crosses supported far-right rebels, but refrained from violence. The non-participation of experienced war veterans in street clashes to a large extent predetermined the failure of the coup. Leader of the French Action League, Maurice Pujo, ally of Charles Morras , accused de la Roque of betrayal ^[3] .

In June 1936, the center-left government of the Popular Front issued an order to dissolve the "Fire Crosses." Francois de la Rock began the formation of the conservative French Social Party (PSF) . In a short time, PSF has grown into the largest batch of the country - more than a million members. The party was associated with the church and the Catholic trade unions, relied on a network of public organizations - from cultural, educational and charitable to sports societies and aviation clubs of the Jean Mermoz Clubs.

If the PSF had acted for the 1936 election, it would surely have created a large parliamentary faction ^[4] and claimed government power. The popularity of the party was due to the mass anxiety of the middle classes against the background of the left political lean. Peasants, artisans, merchants, employees (in aggregate, who made up the majority of the then population of France) gravitated to order and stability. The conservative veteran officer under the slogan Travail, Famille, Patrie - “Labor, Family, Fatherland” symbolized these aspirations to the greatest extent. He seemed to the small owner reliable protection from the communist expropriators of Thorez , and from the monarchist restorers of Morras , and from the fascist pogroms Dorio . Not only the ambitions of the three leaders, but also these differences led to the disruption of the Freedom Front coalition proposed by Dorio - the unification of PSF, PPF and Action française . In addition, de la Rock considered his party strong enough for independent action.

With respect to Nazi Germany, François de la Roque held the position of a French nationalist. Unlike many right-wing figures who spoke under the slogan “Better Hitler than the Popular Front”, he insisted on military preparations and preparedness to repulse potential German aggression. At the same time, de la Rock remained an implacable anti-communist .

Our ideal of freedom and the defense of Christian civilization rejects both the Nazi yoke and Moscow tyranny ... The German danger today is the first visible level. The Russian danger is mostly moral. But one complements the other.
Francois de la Rock

During the battles with the Germans of 1940, Jean-Francois de la Roque, son of Francois de la Roque , was killed. On June 6, 1940, de la Rock wrote the article Résistance in the PSF, “Resistance” (the first voice of the term). The ceasefire June 22, 1940 de la Rock described negatively, saying that it would not stop the fighting. Then he condemned all types of collaboration: "There is no cooperation during the occupation." On October 5, 1940, in the same party publication de la Roque, he opposed the persecution of Jews.

The occupation authorities banned the PSF. Radical collaborators, especially Dorio, especially criticized de la Roque. The ideas of the "national revolution" in the neo-socialist interpretations of Dorio or Dea were generally alien to de la Rocca. At the same time, he spoke out quite unambiguously against General de Gaulle .

Despite all the tactical differences, de la Roque and Petain were very close in their extremely conservative views. De la Rock refused to cooperate with the invaders, spoke about the anti-Christian nature of Nazism. However, he did not refuse the offer to take a position in the administrative office of Vichy . He served as an adviser to Petan.

In the same 1941, Francois de la Rock established contact with British intelligence ^[5] . Many PSF activists took part in the underground Resistance . Researchers include Francois de la Roque himself ^[6] .

On March 9, 1943, he was arrested by the Gestapo along with more than 150 PSF activists. He was held in various prisons in France, Austria and Czechoslovakia. Released by the Americans on May 5, 1945 as a result of the battle at Itter Castle .

In France, he was again arrested for service in the Vichy apparatus, then transferred to house arrest. He died in the status of the accused of collaboration. In 1961, he was posthumously awarded a special medal for deported and interned for acts of resistance. The government of Michel Debre apologized for the injustice committed against de la Roque.

I found that this person was treated unfairly. His texts contrast with his reputation. He was not a fascist.
Francois Mitterrand

Francois de la Rock was a professional military man, a staunch conservative and national patriot. However, its political significance turned out to be largely “virtual” and created by opponents for propaganda purposes. It is possible that if a leader with the qualities of Jacques Doriot would have been at the head of the organization of front-line soldiers and a million-strong party, a political collapse in France would have come noticeably before 1940. On the other hand, in other external circumstances, a socially conservative party could become a constructive force.