The rebellion of "factionalists"

Disagreements at the top of the party

Member of the leadership of the MPLA Nitu Alvish adhered to the most rigid line in domestic and foreign policy. He insisted on tightening repression, maximizing the centralization of power and ideologization, deployment of not only Cuban but also Soviet troops on the territory of Angola, and withdrawal from the Non-Aligned Movement . The relatively moderate course pursued at that stage by President Agostinho Neto , MPLA Secretary General Lucio Lara , Prime Minister Lopo do Nascimento , and Defense Minister Enrique Carreira was characterized by Alves and his like-minded people as “anti-communist and anti-Soviet.” The politics of this group saw “betrayal of the ideals of the MPLA” ^[1] .

Alvish and his supporters - they received the collective name Nitistas - also demanded racial cleansing of power structures - removal of mulattoes from the party-state apparatus, filling vacancies by black Africans ^[2] . Neto and his supporters insisted on the multiracial nature of the party and government. This contradiction turned out to be the most acute. Nitistas was indignant at the preservation of the previous social hierarchy, in which unskilled physical labor remained the lot of blacks, and the state apparatus and the intelligentsia were largely staffed with whites and mulattos. He perceived this situation as “transformation into Rhodesia ” - the preservation of racist orders after independence ^[3] . Alvish began to make populist appeals to the poorest black people of Luanda, inciting hatred for mulatto officials and wealthy citizens.

Whites and people of mixed blood play a disproportionate role in governing a predominantly black nation.
Nito Alvis

In November 1975 - October 1976, Nitu Alvish headed the NRA Ministry of Internal Affairs. This department has become the focus of ultra-radicalism and an instrument of personal ambitions of the minister. The administrative resource of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was used to create the so-called "Association of Communists of Angola", which was contrary to the principle of one-party system.

Alvish had strong allies in the party organization of Luanda (for a long time he headed the metropolitan I military-political district of the MPLA), the army political administration, the general headquarters and special forces. In addition, he tried to develop close ties and enlist the support of the CPSU Central Committee . It was Alvish who represented the MPLA at the XXV Congress of the CPSU .

An important incentive for Alvish and his supporters was the redistribution of power: from the top of the MPLA, which emerged during the years of the war of independence , to the new party generation that rose to the civil war . It is no accident that Alvish was especially popular in the youth organization of the MPLA.

Begin Party Cleansing

At a meeting of the leadership of the MPLA on October 23-29, 1976, Nitu Alvish and the chief of the general staff of the FAPLA armed forces, Jose Van Dunen, were first directly accused of "factionalism." A commission was established to investigate their activities. It was headed by Foreign Minister Jose Eduardo dos Santos . Alvish was removed from the ministerial post; in February 1977, the investigative actions of the DISA State Security Service (in the Russian abbreviation - DISA) began to be conducted against him.

Suspicions of factionalism also fell on the leadership of the MPLA youth organization, led by Sita Wallich , the wife of General Van Dunen.

On May 21, 1977, at the initiative of President Neto, a meeting of the MPLA party activity took place. It decided to expel Nitu Alvish and Jose Van Dunen from the party. The 13 Theses prepared by Alves in defense of their position (sustained in the Marxist-Leninist spirit) were rejected. The arrest of both became a matter of time. For their part, the Nitistas decided on a military coup. At the same time, they considered the true leaders of the regime Lucio Laru and Enrique Carreiro, while Agostinho Neto was not considered as a serious opponent. The Nitistas believed that Neto was just a “black screen of mulatto power”, and talked about its weakness and alcohol dependence ^[3] .

Coup attempt

The leaders of the Nitistas are Alvish, Van Dunen, the commander of the 9th Special Forces Brigade, Jacob Caetan (aka Immortal Monster / Monstro Sagrado /), the political commissar of the special forces Eduardo Evaristu , the mayor of Luanda Pedro Fortanatu , the political commissar of FAPLA Eduardo Eduardo Eduardu Edward and their supporters decided to act proactively ^[4] . However, at the same time they did not have a clear military plan of speech, the calculation was based on the personal popularity of the leaders of the rebellion. It was assumed that massive popular support would provide an advantage ^[5] .

On May 27, 1977, Nitistas rallies began in the proletarian quarters of Luanda. The 9th brigade attacked government offices. Nitistas released political prisoners close to them (even British mercenaries convicted of participating in the war on the side of the FNL received an offer to join the rebellion, but they refused to leave the cells). Part of the population of Luanda really supported this action. This was facilitated by extremely difficult socio-economic conditions, the responsibility for which lay with the ruling group led by Agostinho Neto.

Having seized the radio station, the rebels turned to the people. Sita Wallis led agitation among the workers, trying to raise them to revolt. The call received a certain response. In Luanda, a series of attacks on government facilities and their guards took place. Several prominent figures of the MPLA, FAPLA and DISA were taken hostage. Among them were generals and members of the MPLA Central Committee, Paulo da Silva Mungungu, Enrico Manuel Correa Gonçalves, Eugenio Verissimo da Costa, one of the leaders of DISA Elder Ferreira Neto, Minister of Finance Vieira Dias Mingas. All of them belonged to the top leadership of the MPLA and the closest associates of President Neto.

Power counterattack

A vigorous attack temporarily paralyzed government. However, President Neto quickly organized a rebuff, refuting his reputation as a somewhat detached medical poet ^[6] . Around him quickly gathered key figures who urgently arrived from absenteeism - primarily General Carreira and Lucio Lara. José Eduardo dos Santos, Prime Minister Lopo do Nascimento , General Dean Matrush , leader of the MPLA youth organization in Luanda Bento Bento also played a significant role in suppressing the rebellion.

The government turned for help to the command of the Cuban expeditionary force . Fidel Castro made a political decision after a telephone conversation with Agostinho Neto ^[7] . The order was given to the troops by the commander of the Cuban military mission, General Abelardo Colome Ibarra , direct command was carried out by General Rafael Morasen Limonta ^[8] . Massive Cuban intervention decided the outcome of the confrontation ^[9] . Armored vehicles of the 9th brigade could not resist the Cuban tanks. By the middle of the day, all objects were repulsed.

They did not understand how coups were carried out. We relied on the superiority of the forces of the 9th brigade and the support of the population. They could not imagine that the Cubans would use tanks to disperse the demonstrators and capture the headquarters of the 9th brigade ^[10] .

The rebels killed several hostages and tried to hide underground.

The factionalists did not stop before the murder of our comrades. They acted by fascist methods. We will find them alive or dead. And we will not waste time.
Agostinho Neto

The government imposed a curfew and brought armored vehicles to the streets of the capital. Administrative buildings took protection of the Cuban units. The last desperate attempt to turn the tide was an unsuccessful attempt on A. Neto. The responsibility for this act was assigned personally to the mayor of Luanda, Pedro Fortunatu. On May 30, he made public confessions (with obvious signs of beatings on his face) ^[11] .

Alvish’s calculation of support for the USSR also did not materialize. Moscow has accepted an explanation of what comes from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Angola, dos Santos. Alvish’s plans, albeit pro-Soviet, apparently led to the destabilization of the Angolan regime, which the Soviet Union was not interested in.

Elimination of the rebels

After the coup attempt, the party purge of the MPLA ^[12] , as well as mass searches and arrests, began. In speeches on television and radio, President Neto demanded "knit and shoot." A special military tribunal, chaired by General Carreira, was called Comissão das Lágrimas - “Commission of Tears” ^[13] .

Today we demonstrated: there is no revolution in Angola.
Agostinho Neto, May 27, 1977

Supporters of the unsuccessful rebellion - Jose Van Dunen, Sita Wallisch, Jacobo Caetanu, Eduard Evarist, Pedr Fortunatu, Minister of Commerce David Mashadu - were imprisoned, convicted and soon shot. It was also reported on the discovery and execution of the “leader of the factionalists”. The exact dates of the arrest and execution of Nitu Alvish are unknown, but in May 2001 a former Angolan military man named João Candada (who had been resident in Spain at that time) said he personally committed the murder of Nitu Alvish on the orders of DISA director Ludy Kisasunda with the sanction of General Carreira and other senior officials security forces MPLA. The body of Alvish was drowned in the sea ^[14] .

In addition, a demonstration process was conducted over the FAPLA Political Commissioner, a member of the MPLA Central Committee, Eduardo Gomes da Silva. On his example, it was demonstrated that the status of a national hero not only does not give immunity, but can serve as an aggravating circumstance when speaking out against state power ^[15] .

The unfolding repression lasted about two years, almost until the death of Agostinho Neto.

The main tool of repression was DISA. But even its functionaries in considerable numbers fell under the rink. “It was the hour of the devil's triumph,” says 35 years later to Pedro Gomes, in May 1977, a state security officer in Bengel. - DISA was also a victim. No, not a structure. But - the people who served in it. Therefore, when I hear that DISA is executioners, I always answer: the executioner was a system. ” What kind of system is this, the question begs. Gomesh doesn’t answer directly. But you can guess. At least from his own phrase: “If the MPLA considers itself innocent, why not make such a statement? Why be silent? ”
In May 2012, the Portuguese historian Dalila Mateus spoke with Gomes. Then the journalists talked to her. And they asked: who committed the massacre, Carreira or Lara? “Sure, they too,” answered Mateusz. “But Neto was the main monster.” ^[16]

Statements by the MPLA in terms of which DISA officer Gomes spoke were subsequently made.

Party Evaluation

July 12, 1977 the leadership of the MPLA issued an official statement ^[17] . The events of May 27 were qualified as an attempted coup, the preparation for which began even before the declaration of independence of the country - since 1974.

Nito Alvish’s group was characterized as “pseudo-revolutionary” and in alliance with the FNLA , UNITA , USA , South Africa and Zaire , despite the fact that its members were sworn enemies of the anti-communist movements of Holden Roberto (FNLA) and Jonas Savimbi (UNITA). Alvish’s ideology qualified as “ Maoism ” (it was also said about “a superficial reading of Lenin ”) ^[17] . It was noted that "for the purposes of hostile agitation, dissatisfaction with objective economic difficulties was used."

The party was tasked with "overcoming the passivity of the apparatus in a difficult situation" and acting in a military manner. The ruling elite adopted the important elements of the program of the defeated "factionalists". A number of domestic political measures were taken to centralize and tighten the regime in the spirit of Alvish’s attitudes. In December 1977, at the First Congress of the MPLA, Marxism-Leninism - as Nito Alvish demanded - was approved as a party ideology. MPLA finally turned into a centralized monolith with no signs of dissent.

Another consequence of the rebellion was the rise of José Eduardo dos Santos. He played an important role in suppressing the rebellion. As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he prepared an explanation of the situation for the USSR. These merits were taken into account by President Neto. Dos Santos approached the head of the party and state, took a dominant position in the leadership and in 1979 turned out to be Neto's successor at the head of the MPLA and NRA.

Repression of power structures

The vertical power and authority of the first persons - Neto, then the souls of Santos - was supported by the threat of terror , periodically carried out.

Among the "factionalists" who were repressed after the suppression of the insurgency, there were many personnel functionaries of the MPLA, military and youth activists. All suspects of sympathy for Alvish were repressed, from adolescents to old people (Alvish’s father was arrested at the age of 92, but was soon released) ^[18] , and even those who were outside Angola on May 27.

According to official figures, after the suppression of the rebellion, about 15 thousand people were executed ^[19] . At the same time, according to the Angolan opposition, the total number of deaths is up to 30 thousand people, and according to some estimates, reaches 80 thousand ^[20] . Most of them were not related to the conflict in the ruling elite and were destroyed on suspicion of disloyalty. The leaders and organizers of the terror were NRA President Agostinho Neto, MPLA Secretary General Lucio Lara, Minister of Defense Enrique Carreira, DISA Director Ludi Kisasunda, and his deputy Enrique Santos ^[21] .

However, in July 1979, the DISA was disbanded for "excesses", Colonel Kisasund was arrested (subsequently released). President Neto blamed the heads of the department for widespread discontent and outrage at the mass repressions ^[22] . The functions of DISA were divided between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the newly created Ministry of State Security of the NRA, which was headed by Kundi Payham ^[23] .

The historical significance of the rebellion

The Angolan “Insurgency of Factionalists” evokes historical parallels with historians in the struggle between the parties in the USSR and Trotsky and his supporters attempting to seize power in the mid-1920s. Trotskyists , like the Nitistas, accused the party leadership of betraying revolutionary ideals, opposed the NEP , and relied on a youth activist in their struggle. Subsequent repressions, respectively, resemble the policies of the Stalinist repressions of the 1930s.

The Marxist-Leninist MPLA course lasted more than a decade, ending only in the late 1980s. In 1990, the party leadership abandoned the communist ideology and headed for the authoritarian capitalization of the country ^[24] . By this time, egalitarian moods had been strangled in the country, the luxuries of the ruling elite and corruption amid mass poverty had become everyday life ^[25] .

For a long time, the "Rebel of the Factionalists" of 1977 and the fate of its participants remained a "taboo" topic in Angola. The statement of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the MPLA, somewhat changing the previous approaches, was made only in 2002, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of events. The date of May 27, 1977 was attributed to the tragic events, recognized "excesses committed by the competent authorities in restoring order" ^[26] . At the same time, the correctness of the leadership of the MPLA and official assessments of “factionalists and killers who attempted a counter-revolutionary coup” were not called into question. It should be noted that three months before this statement, the 27-year-old civil war ended in Angola, and the authorities made gestures of compromise with respect to the opposition.

After 11 years, on May 27, 2013, a new statement was published by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the MPLA, dedicated to these events. Nitistas’s speech was explained by the "immaturity of some party members," the severity of suppression ("negative episodes") - the circumstances of the civil war. It was emphasized that after the end of the war in Angola, “democratic legality and tolerance” were established ^[27] . Moreover, the document contained a stern warning to “citizens who, not being involved in those events, use them for political purposes to incite hatred” ^[28] .

In the Angolan opposition environment , especially among young people, a tendency has arisen - even contrary to historical facts - to represent Nita Alvish and his supporters as fighters for democratic transformations. The reprisal against them is considered in such a context as a crime of the dictatorial regime of the MPLA ^[16] .

Angola’s opposition human rights activists set up the Fund on May 27 (president - Silva Mateus), which will initiate proceedings before the International Criminal Court on charges of genocide. Charges are being brought against a number of Angolan and Cuban leaders, including José Eduardo dos Santos ^[29] . In 2016, the Fund protested against the position of the MPLA Central Committee, "trying to whitewash the bloody figure of Agostinho Neto."

The victims of May 27 were accused of bourgeoisness, although they did not have a single bank account. Today, their executioners can boast billions of dollars hidden in the West, in Asia, the United States and Latin America. They were called agents of North American imperialism, but did they then invite Jonas Savimbi and Holden Roberto to the government? Perhaps, if so, we would have prevented the destruction of the country, the death of hundreds of thousands of Angolans? ^[thirty]

On May 20, 2017, the descendants of the dead Nitistas (including João Ernesto Wallisch Van Dunen, the son of Jose Van Dunen and Sita Wallisch) sent a collective letter to the President of Angola, Jose Eduard dos Santos.

This part of our past, May 27, 1977, has been erased from our history through collective amnesia. The country knows little about the victims and the circumstances of their death. When and how were they killed? How could they answer the charges with only minimal guarantees of defense in court? Who were their executioners and where are they now? These and many other questions require clarification ... The wound inflicted on May 27, 1977 has not yet been healed. We take the last chance to appeal to Your Excellency. The dark period 40 years ago made us orphans. We understand that the fate of Angola depends on overcoming it. We believe that the country will proudly recall those women and men who strove to create a better society ^[31] .

One of the activists of the opposition movement, condemned in 2016 along with rapper Ikonoklasta , bears the name of Manuel Kivonde Baptista Nitu Alvish, emphasizes this as a symbolic coincidence and requires the authorities to repent before the victims in 1977 ^[32] .

The Angolan non-systemic opposition (youth network structure of the Revolutionary Movement ) holds actions in memory of the tragic events of 1977 ^[33] . The police harshly suppresses such attempts. On May 27, 2014, Manuel Nitu Alves was detained and beaten with a group of comrades. ^[34] On May 27, 2017, ten special demonstrators were detained by a police special unit in Luanda, and a helicopter was involved in the operation to curb the action ^[35] .

In September 2017, a change of supreme power took place in Angola: Jose Eduardo dos Santos resigned as president, and Juan Lawrence was his successor. A year later, President Lawrence also became chairman of the ruling MPLA. Angolan politics was marked by certain changes. The new head of state began to criticize his predecessor for authoritarian rule and corruption, made positive gestures against the opposition, and allowed public debate. Observers compare the course of Lawrence with the Khrushchev thaw .

On November 19, 2018 , the installation article “The government recognizes the excesses of May 27” appeared in the government official of Jornal de Angola . The author - Angolan Minister of Justice Francisco Manuel Keyrosh - called the "excessive" reaction of the then authorities to the Nitistas speech, acknowledged the facts of arbitrary arrests and executions, and stated the need to remember those events in order to prevent their recurrence in the future. This was the first official criticism of 1977 repression. Commentators, however, are not sure how consistent this process will be, demanding the opening of archives, a strong condemnation of political violence, and radical democratic reforms ^[36] .

• Halloween massacre
• February 22 movement