Volkov, Leonid Borisovich

Born in Moscow. Parents are Soviet employees. In the capital, he graduated with a gold medal from the 135th secondary school near the Moscow City Council , a number of graduates of which later became famous scientists, diplomats, and public figures. In 1952 he graduated from the Law Faculty of Moscow State University, having received a diploma of a university teacher, researcher in the field of legal sciences.

The situation prevailing in the country at that time did not allow the graduate to continue his studies in graduate school , and he entered the practical work as legal adviser to the largest all-Union organization engaged in the construction of heavy industry enterprises, where he worked for about 10 years. According to Volkov himself, this experience gave him a real deep knowledge of the realities of the Stalinist and post-Stalinist economic policies with its enormous waste of all kinds of resources of the country - human, material, intellectual and moral. The experience gained will serve in the future as a source of his reflection and research in the theoretical field and journalism.

In 1960, having completed three-year English courses by that time, he transferred to work in the Legal Department of the Vneshtorgbank of the USSR. Here he combines practical activities with postgraduate studies and publications. Along with several articles on international banking and commercial law, including co-authorship with A. B. Altshuler and D. Ivanov, on the initiative of Volkov, the department’s staff members create a collective monograph on international banking law.

By this time, he met with the future famous dissident and human rights activist Alexander Ginzburg and his entourage. After the first arrest of Ginzburg, Volkov begins to take an interest in the KGB , he is called to talk to the Lubyanka, a dossier is opened on him. At the same time, his close friendship with the immigrant from Lithuania, a prominent lawyer, political scientist and subsequently Soviet scientist Alexander Stromas ^[1] , which lasted until the latter’s death, played a role. Judging by the nature of Volkov’s interrogations in the KGB, the seminars held at his apartment with the participation of such persons as Grigory Pomerants , Alexander Pinsky , poet dissident Alexander Timofeevsky , outstanding musicologist Miron Kharlap and others were interested in him. As a result, in 1965 he was refused called "classified", that is, in admission to the necessary documents for work, and he was forced to quit his job at Vneshtorgbank.

Academic Activities

Thanks to the efforts of a number of senior colleagues, including A. B. Altshuler, the former head of the VTB Legal Treaty Department and V. A. Tumanov, head of the IGPS branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences , after a number of difficulties, he was hired by the Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences , where he serves until 1970. Here he took part in collective monographs on the planned topics of the Tumanov-led sector of foreign (in the then terminology of the “bourgeois”) state and law, published articles on fascism and neo-fascism, delivered lectures on the knowledge society on the dissemination of political and scientific knowledge. In his publications of this time, he was forced to reckon with official ideological censorship, however, as a political scientist and constitutional lawyer, he used them in order to demonstrate the analogies of the Soviet system with fascism .

Reflections on the mystery of German Nazism led Volkov to his own socio-historical concept of “late modernization,” and at the same time brought him to the subject of systemic, behavioral political science. In this, he found like-minded persons represented by a number of colleagues at the IHPAN. Here he became acquainted with F. M. Burlatsky , who was actually creating the sector of political science at the new Institute of Concrete Sociology (ICSI) of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1967, Volkov defended his dissertation on the topic "Political Doctrine and the Practice of Modern Fascism", which aroused suspicion among orthodox employees of the IHPAN with fairly transparent analogies of the Soviet model with the fascist one. Thanks to the participation of Burlatsky as an official opponent, the defense passed without complications. Later, on the basis of the methodology of political science denied at the Institute, the scientist had a conflict with the leadership. With the mediation of Burlatsky, he transferred to the newly created Institute for Scientific Information on Social Sciences of the USSR Academy of Sciences (INION), headed by the liberal director L.P. Delyusin .

In the 1970s and 1980s, he was engaged in pioneering specialized Soviet-era theoretical work on “late” modernization (“modernization in the wake of”). Given the censorship conditions, Volkov’s articles, as well as a number of his colleagues, are published as “scientific and analytical reviews” by mostly foreign authors. But, analyzing their views, the author developed his own ideas and gave a multifaceted conceptual picture of a society “catching up with modernization” as a source of fascism, Nazism, Stalinism. Since the late 1980s, it has become possible to openly publish his views on the USSR and Russia as a society of "late modernization."

The concept of “modernization after”

The main thing in the scientist's concept is the idea of ​​the unevenness of the historical movement of societies along the path of modernization. He divides the types of modernization into primary and secondary, endogenous and induced from the epicenters of modernization. Accordingly, modernization may be associated with the process of emancipation of the mass personality or occur without it. A paradoxical effect arises, which Volkov calls "the emancipation of anti-emancipation." The result may be a sociocultural breakdown, a break in the emerging vector of the historical movement, the pendulums of “progress” and “reaction”, liberalism and archiconservatism, revolution and counter-revolution. All this casts doubt on the idea of ​​modernization as a universal process of convergence of all societies into a single model proposed by W. Rostow.

According to Volkov’s hypothesis, endogenous modernization takes shape in the 14th – 19th centuries in England and the Netherlands , forming a kind of epicenter of modernization. The meaning of the process is that certain segments of society naturally “grind to each other” until they form something whole, located at comparable levels of mutual communication. When this is achieved, a quantum leap takes place - society in a short time acquires the integral character of modern society, in which technology, economics, personality, society, politics, if they are not in complete harmony, are quite consistent with each other. Society as a whole, at different levels and in different groups, becomes rational, pragmatic, instrumental, emancipated, while rationally devoting space to traditions. Such, for example, the author sees England of the XVII-XVIII centuries with its fleets, manufactories, rational livestock farming, steam engine, "economic" lords, parliament.

When modernization at the epicenter is completed, its expansion begins on the geographical and geopolitical periphery. There is a period of modernization induction - in other words, the invasion of modernization models in countries that have not yet passed all the cycles of endogenous modernization or even have not embarked on it. The “modernizers” in such countries, usually the rulers and the elites surrounding them, are trying to promote certain aspects of modernization, usually starting with the military, at different levels of society, as if from the side or from above. Moreover, they meet the resistance of "anti-modernizers." There is a “modernization in pursuit”, which even such countries as France of the 18th-19th centuries did not pass with echoes up to our time.

And the farther from the epicenter, the processes of “catching up with modernization” are more contradictory and dangerous for society itself and for the world, but it is impossible to stop them. In particular, the author considers “fascism” as a general historical concept in its various political variants precisely with the historical products of “modernization after”, or rather its contradictions.

Volkov about Trotsky

In 1986, Volkov raised in INION the question of falsifying the role of Trotsky in Soviet and partly foreign science and propaganda. In a joint discussion with I. M. Klyamkin, Burtin, J. M. Berger, V. I. Ilyushenko regarding Klyamkin’s article “Which street leads to the church” in front of a large academic and journalistic audience, Volkov speaks of the need to put an end to the bogeyman of “ Trotskyism ” as one of the cornerstones of a totalitarian ideology. The researcher relies on a number of documents, including those published in Soviet times. The discussion is published in the journal “ Knowledge is Power ”.

Volkov on the “cancerous” nature of the Soviet economy and the “growth” paradigm

Not being an economist by profession, Volkov, on the basis of summarizing his long-term practical experience in the Soviet "planned" national economy, forms the idea of ​​him as a "monopoly closed market", the functioning of which is subject to a high degree of political-force pressure and corruption. These representations, to the extent permitted by censorship considerations, the author sets forth in the semi-closed, small-circulation publications of INION, as well as in various seminars.

Since the late 1980s, with his thoughts on the fateful role of the militarized economy for the USSR economy, the “cancer” tumor of the military-industrial complex, on ways to free private initiative, on the prospects of transforming the planned production sector, Volkov has appeared in print and at various public forums. He offers his own project for the transition to a free market economy ^[2] , and subsequently sharply criticizes the “voucher” privatization. In the 1970s, together with colleagues at INION, Volkov published scientific and analytical reviews of well-known studies on the topic of "Limits of Growth." The discovery of the scientists of Meadows , Renders, and Behrens leaves an indelible stamp on Volkov's subsequent reflections on the present and future.

Since the beginning of the 21st century, taking into account the gained European experience, Volkov has seriously questioned the paradigm of continuous economic growth as the basis of modern economy and briefly formulates the following thesis: the growth paradigm cannot be oriented solely on a statistically quantitative factor. The decisive corrective counterbalance to quantity should be the growth quality factor. In a generalized form - the quality of life. Volkov also proposes a critical approach to assessing the role of labor and the classical labor theory of value. He points out that the definition and fluctuations of "value", not to mention prices, in the modern economy are arbitrary, "power", manipulative in nature, losing the objectivity that classical theory ascribed to it. This view as a hypothesis, Volkov expresses at various conferences, seminars and discussions.

Fascism, Nazism, Stalinism - the concept of "fist man"

Quite early on, Volkov came to the understanding that fascism, Nazism and Stalinism have not only external structural similarities (the concept of “ totalitarianism ”), but also deeper socio-historical and sociocultural roots, linking them with the concept of “late modernization”. In 2008, by order of the editorial board of the magazine “ Friendship of Peoples, ” Volkov published a detailed analytical article without censorship restrictions, which considers fascism and Leninism (the Leninist period in the history of Russia) as historical phenomena that are close in their historical roots and historically. The author considers the ideology and psychology of the "fist" person, which was formed in the poetry, literature and philosophy of the beginning of the century, to be the basis of "fascism" the author developed by the beginning of the 20th century.

On the contrary, the author interprets Hitler's National Socialism and the Stalinist militarized "socialism" as voluntaristic aspirations to violent military capture and enslavement of the world that fall out of the logical course of history. Volkov shows that the history of Stalinism and Nazism is largely connected with Stalin's provocative policies aimed at mobilizing militarism both in the USSR and in Germany in the interests of strengthening his own personal power.

Russia. Democracy, Privatization, Constitutionalism

In the period 1986-1994, Volkova was directly involved in the democratic movement as an activist in democratic clubs, popular fronts, the Social Democratic Party, and the movement "Democratic Russia". He speaks at meetings and rallies, publishes theoretical articles in various, mostly new publications. Together with his colleagues, Volkov is developing a “Democratic Order” designed to radicalize Gorbachev’s perestroika and policies. He publishes his own privatization project.

In 1990, Volkov in a competitive competition was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR. Soon after, Volkov, together with O. Rumyantsev, came up with the initiative of the Declaration on the STATE sovereignty of the RSFSR, which justified the STATE of the Russian Federation and became a model for a number of other republics. The declaration in this version was opposed to the variants of the "economic" sovereignty of the republic, and contributed to the election of Yeltsin as head of the republic and further radical reforms. Later Volkov became a member of the Constitutional Commission of the Russian Federation, its Working Group and, together with his colleagues, is developing a draft of a new democratic constitution for Russia. He belongs, in particular, to the formula: “The Constitution is the law of direct action,” preserved in all subsequent versions of the Constitution. In 1993, Volkov participated in the Constitutional Council, which adopted the final draft of the 1993 constitution.

In 2008-2013, Volkov advocated the resumption of the constitutional process and the convening of a Constituent (Constitutional) meeting to adopt a new constitution, taking into account existing experience and the level of public consciousness. His slogan is: "The constitution must be understood by the people and understood by them . " Since 2008, Volkov is a member of the editorial and publishing board of the Fund for Constitutional Reforms of Russia, alternately the editor-in-chief and deputy editor-in-chief of the journal “ Constitutional Bulletin ”. He is also the author and editor of a significant part of the publications of the ten-volume scientific publication History of the Constitution of Russia. Member of many conferences in Russia and abroad on constitutional issues.

Russian legal publications describe Volkov as follows: “L. B. Volkov ... a Russian statesman who stood at the origins of modern Russian statehood and defended free Russia in August 1991 ”, one of the leading Russian constitutionalists ^[3] .

Since school years, as a convinced Soviet man, Komsomol member , patriot, Volkov has been critical of many manifestations of Soviet power, especially negatively towards Stalin. The thaw of the mid -1950s , the exposure of the personality cult , acquaintance with dissidents, and the expansion of the information field through “samizdat” helped strengthen his critical attitude to the system and regime. At Volkov’s house, discussions and seminars were held on socio-political and historical topics, which he mentions in his memoirs.

With the advent of Gorbachev and the announcement of perestroika, Volkov became actively involved in the informal movement and, together with his younger colleagues, such as Andrei Fadin and Oleg Rumyantsev, became an activist of the first political clubs and a participant in the first street protests. Вместе с О. Румянцевым и Г. Ракитской Волков создаёт в рамках клуба « Демократическая перестройка » социал-демократическую секцию, послужившую в дальнейшем основой для образования Социал-демократической ассоциации и Социал-демократической партии России (СДПР). В тесном сотрудничестве с О. Румянцевым и Борисом Орловым Волков неоднократно избирается членом президиума и сопредседателем СДПР.

Возрождающаяся русская социал-демократия при участии Волкова, возглавлявшего международную комиссию СДПР, контактирует с будущими социал-демократами Украины , Прибалтики, Грузии, проводит совместные конференции, организует съезды. При участии Волкова устанавливаются также контакты с партиями Социнтерна . Он принимает участие в международных встречах социал-демократов, в том числе с бывшим канцлером ФРГ Брандтом , австрийским канцлером Враницким , председателем СДПГ Фогелем , председателем австрийского парламента Фишером , депутатом Бундестага Вайскирхеном и др.

В этот же период устанавливаются политические контакты Волкова с Сергеем Станкевичем , активистом Московского народного фронта , будущим народным депутатом СССР , членом Межрегиональной депутатской группы . Волков принимает активное участие в составлении «Демократического наказа», направленного в адрес руководства СССР перед предстоящими выборами. Он один из основных авторов «неформального» избирательного закона РСФСР, который публикуется в ленинградской газете « Смена » и приносится в Верховный Совет РСФСР союзным депутатом Станкевичем. Происходят первые выступления Волкова по всесоюзному радио , телевидению и в печати, ставшие впоследствии регулярными, как в России, так и за рубежом.

В 1990 году Волков на первых в России свободных выборах в конкурентной борьбе тринадцати соперников как кандидат подписанного Ельциным списка « Демократической России » избирается народным депутатом РСФСР по Таганскому территориальному избирательному округу Москвы.

Политик Волков является инициатором и автором исходных принципов Декларации о государственном суверенитете России ^[4] . Ему принадлежит депутатская инициатива по замене советского флага над Белым Домом на трёхцветный флаг демократической России 22 августа 1991 года (День флага) ^[5] .

В журналах «Дружба народов», « Сибирские огни », а также в интернет-журнале «Миринформ» на протяжении 2003—2013 годов опубликован ряд рассказов и других литературных произведении Волкова. В издательстве Рунет вышла книга рассказов Волкова «Любовь, КГБ и шагреневая шкура Мандельштама».

• Волков Л. Б. Штрихи к конституционному процессу. Несколько мемуарных страниц. В.Из истории создания российской конституции. М. ФКР. Т.6 с. 726—764.
• Волков Л. Б. Всплеск русского конституционализма. 1990—1993. В.Из истории создания российской конституции. М. ФКР. Т.5, с.с.25-73.
• Волков Л. Б. Краткий протокол первого заседания конституционной комиссии блока «Демократическая Россия». Выступление Л.Волкова. В.Из истории создания российской конституции. М. ФКР. Т. 6, с.41.
• Л. Б. Волков. Основы Конституции РСФСР. Обоснование. Там же, с.с.56-59.
• Волков Л. Б. Русская весна. Опыт исповеди бывшего нардепа. Дружба народов. М.2008, Но 1, с.15- 185, Но 2, с.с.159-180.
• Волков Л. Б. Долгий век «кулачного» человека. О фашизме, нацизме, ленинизме, сталинизме и модернизации в перспективе 2022 года. Дружба народов. М.2008. 10., с.с. 139—171
• Волков Л. Б. Статья 10 Конституции России в ретроспективе и в перспективе модернизационных процессов. Конституционный вестник. Но 1. М.2008. с.с.136-159
• Волков. Л. Б. 10 книг, которые потрясут мир. От Декларации 1990 к Конституции 1993. Конституционный вестник. № 2 (20) М.2010, с.с. 10-41
• Волков Л. Б. Владимир Александрович Туманов в моей жизни. «Журнал конституционного правосудия», 2011,№ 4.
• Волков Л. Б. Критика теории модернизации. ИНИОН. М.1985. 77с.
• Волков Л. Б. Теория модернизации и её место в современном буржуазном обществоведении. В: Критический анализ буржуазных теорий модернизации. ИНИОН. М. 1985, с.с..5-25
• Волков Л. Б. Теория модернизации — пересмотр либеральных взглядов на общественно-политическое развитие. Там же, с.с.25-93.
• Волков Л. Б. От «демократии участия» к функциональной «политике управления». В: Концепции политической эволюции в политической науке капиталистических стран (Эволюционизм и функционализм) М. ИНИОН. 1978. С.с.31-65.
• Волков Л. Б. Либерализм: Философия труда и справедливости — кризис идеологии «отложенного» равенства. В. Социально-философские аспекты современного либерализма. ИНИОН. М. с.с.127-175.
• Волков Л. Б. «Осовременивание вдогонку»: перипетии теории модернизации. Современные буржуазные теории общественного развития. М. Наука. 1984. С.с.216-247.
• Волков Л. Б. Теории общественного развития в поисках выхода из противоречий НТР в условиях капитализма Там. же. с.с. 247—255.
• Волков Л. Б. Социалистическая бюрократия и производственные мифы. В:45-76 Социальные проблемы перестройки. ИНИОН. 1989 с.с.
• Волков Л. Б. Атмосфера перестройки и роль демократической активности трудящихся в повышении эффективности управления социалистическим обществом В: Демократия и управление в социалистическом обществе. ИНИОН., М. 1987 с.с.5-19.
• Научно-техническая революция и социальные проблемы экологии. ИНИОН. М. 1973. Отв.ред. Л. Б. Волков.
• Волков Л. Б. НТП и труд — социокультурные проблемы. В: Труд и научно-технический прогресс. ИНИОН. М. 1988 с.с.5-19.
• Волков Л. Б. Социальная теория демократии И.Шумпетера. В: Социально-политические воззрения И. Шумпетера. ИНИОН. М.1989. с.5-18.
• Volkov L. B. "Constitutionalism" on the right (New motives of the political and legal ideology of modern fascism). Soviet state and law. Number 7, M. 1969. S.S. 117-122.
• Altshuler A. B., Volkov L. B., Ivanov D. L. and others. Foreign exchange relations in the foreign trade of the USSR. Legal issues .- Intern. relations, Moscow, 1968
• Altshuler A. B., Volkov, L. B. Letter of credit in international settlements: New international rules for documentary letters of credit. Foreign trade M.1964 s.s.s 47-52.
• L. B. Volkov. Legal issues of the use of documentary letters of credit in the foreign trade of the USSR. Section of the law of the All-Union Chamber of Commerce .. Collection of information materials. Issue. X1X, ed. prof. D.M. Genkin. M. "International Relations" 1965.
• Volkov: About him. V. L. Sheinis. B. From the history of the creation of the Russian constitution. M. FKR. T.6 S.S. 1013-1014.
• L. Volkov’s articles were published in the newspapers Izvestia, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Vremya Novostei, as well as in the magazines New Time and Itogi.