“Russia Unified, Great and Indivisible” (in other words, “For Great, Unified and Indivisible Russia” ) is one of the basic principles (along with the principles of “non-resolution of the state system” and loyalty to the Allies on the Entente [1] ) of the White and White Movement’s foreign and domestic policies formulated at the initial stage of the Civil War in Russia as a response to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks and their proclamation of the course towards the international , “self-determination of nations” and the world revolution . In fact, the only slogan of the White movement.
Content
Origin and Formulation
The thesis “Russia is united and indivisible” existed officially in the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire and was one of the fundamental principles in accordance with which the imperial policy was pursued [2] . Continuity in this matter was also observed after the abolition of the monarchy - for example, in preparation for the Constituent Assembly, the Provisional Government convened a Legal Conference to prepare questions that the Constituent Assembly should have decided, including the draft of a new Russian Constitution. According to the “Preliminary draft articles of the Basic Laws on the issue of autonomy (federation)”, prepared by the cadet leader N. I. Lazarevsky , the Russian state was supposed to be “... united and indivisible” [3] .
After the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia, denying national values and aiming to establish a communist regime on a global scale, even to the detriment of the interests and territorial integrity of Russia, people who did not accept the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks, who experienced national humiliation after the actual loss by Russia first world war and strives to preserve the integrity of the country, united in a movement that is called the "White", and their only slogan has become the slogan of "United Russia, chaired kai and indivisible ", which is opposed to the Bolshevik slogan:" Long live the World Revolution! " [4] .
The principle of “One, Great and Indivisible Russia” implied the restoration of those foundations of Russian society that were undermined by the Bolshevik rule, and the indispensable preservation of the territorial integrity of the country, the changes of which, in the opinion of the whites, could only happen with the approval of the national assembly . The white leadership was especially committed to the principle of territorial integrity of Russia, avoiding deviation from it even in cases where this could provide a decisive strategic advantage over the Bolsheviks. Neither A. V. Kolchak , nor A. I. Denikin, as bearers of the supreme power, considered it possible to recognize the separation of any territories from Russia, even in those cases when the events that had taken place no longer left hope for the return of the seized territories to Russia . On the one hand, such a policy diminished White’s chances of success, as it created the basis for conflicts with national outskirts, which also fought with the Bolsheviks (in 1921 P.N. Milyukov even declared: “United and indivisible Russia” is the slogan that destroyed us ” [5] ), but on the other hand, according to historian S.V. Volkov, it had a high moral meaning, as well as the slogan“ For help — not an inch of Russian land ”carried out with respect to former allies [6] . At the same time, the leaders of the white movement declared their agreement to grant individual peoples a fairly broad autonomy, but only within the framework of a single state [7] .
The historian Yaroslav Butakov saw, however, more benefit from this slogan than harm - although the slogan repelled the anti-Bolshevik forces of the national suburbs from the White movement, but, according to the historian, it is hard to imagine that they would help the white movement to destroy the Bolshevik power in the center of Russia even in exchange for recognition of their independence by whites. This slogan was the core of the White idea and rejection of it would only undermine the moral unity of the whites and deprive the White cause of some of the supporters [1] .
As military failures grew, when territories controlled by white forces narrowed to the size of small regions, white leaders were forced to adjust their national programs, adjusting them to regional needs. At the end of the white struggle, the principle of “united and indivisible Russia” began to give way to the principle of “federation” [7] .
Use of the slogan
In Propaganda
OSVAG - the largest ideological center under the supreme leadership of the Volunteer Army - widely used the slogan "Great, United and Indivisible Russia" and its derivatives in posters and printed materials. So, in the leaflet entitled “I am a volunteer”, the first paragraph read: “ I am a VOLUNTEER because I gave my youth and shed my blood for the power of United Indivisible Russia” [8] .
On banknotes
On some banknotes of the white governments of the Civil War, Russia was allegorically depicted as a woman warrior holding a shield on which was written: "The Great United Indivisible Russia" [9] or variations of the slogan.
In post-Soviet Russia
In 1992, three quarters of Russians supported the slogan of “united and indivisible Russia”, once condemned by both Joseph Stalin and Leo Trotsky for their “ counter-revolutionism ” [10] .
See also
- Non-resolution
Notes
- ↑ 1 2 Butakov Ya. A. Knight of the “One and Indivisible” (To the reburial of the ashes of A. I. Denikin) . The article . Pravaya.ru (October 3, 2005). Date of treatment April 16, 2012. Archived September 17, 2012.
- ↑ Irkhin Yu. V., Zotov V.D., Zotova L.V. § 3. The nature of political and legal doctrines in Russia in the XIX century // Political Science: Textbook. - Moscow: Lawyer, 2002 .-- S. 511.
- ↑ Platnov V. M. The territorial structure of Russia according to the draft Legal Meeting (Russian) .
- ↑ Volkov S.V. The idea of being stolen from the “whites” . Kiev Telegraph. Date of treatment April 11, 2012. Archived May 16, 2012.
- ↑ Tagirov I. “United and Indivisible Russia” - the slogan that killed us (Russian) // Volga Star: Newspaper. - February 16, 2012.
- ↑ Volkov S.V. Why the Russian Federation is not Russia yet. Unclaimed legacy of the empire . - Veche, 2010 .-- 352 p. - (Russian question). - 4000 copies. - ISBN 978-5-9533-4528-6 .
- ↑ 1 2 Tsvetkov V. Zh. The White Movement in Russia. 1917-1922 ode . Date of treatment April 16, 2013. Archived April 19, 2013.
- ↑ Abinyakin R. M. The officer corps of the Volunteer Army: social composition, worldview 1917-1920. Monograph. Eagle. Publisher A. Vorobyov. 2005, 204 p. ISBN 5-900901-57-2
- ↑ Ananyina G. Symbol of Russia (Rus.) // Homeland: Journal. - 1997. - No. 2 . Archived January 26, 2013.
- ↑ Richard Rose, William Mishler, Neil Munro. Russia transformed: developing popular support for a new regime . - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2006 .-- S. 77 .-- xii, 226 p. - ISBN 9780511257643 . - ISBN 978-0-521-87175-4 .
Literature
- Volkov S.V. Why the RF is not Russia yet. Unclaimed legacy of the empire . - Veche, 2010 .-- 352 p. - (Russian question). - 4000 copies. - ISBN 978-5-9533-4528-6 .
Links
- Volkov S. V. The “Belyaks” steal the idea . Kiev Telegraph. Date of treatment April 11, 2012. Archived May 16, 2012.
- Puchenkov A.S. White Russia and the Outskirts of the Empire: Denikin and Pilsudsky in 1919 . Russian movement. Information and analytical portal of the Russian organization of Tavria and Sevastopol. Date of treatment April 11, 2012. Archived May 16, 2012.