Chervochkin, Yuri Mikhailovich

In January 2006, he created an NBP cell in Serpukhov.

On October 2, 2006, as part of a group of 50 members of the NBP, he was detained while trying to enter the building of the State Duma of the Russian Federation , was taken to the Tverskoye police department in Moscow and then released together with everyone the same evening.

On November 7, 2006, together with 30 other members of the NBP, he was detained for participating in an unauthorized rally near the Moscow office of Surgutneftegaz (the protesters demanded an end to the repression against the independent trade union "Trade Union" and fulfill the demands of oil workers). He was sentenced to administrative arrest for 15 days.

He was detained as part of Operation Barrier before the March of Dissent on December 16, 2006 in Moscow and March 3, 2007 in St. Petersburg .

On January 25, 2007, he was detained for participating in an unauthorized rally outside the building of the Main Investigative Department of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation in Moscow in support of NBP members in custody in a case of a collision at the Tagansky court in Moscow in March 2006.

On March 11, 2007, during the elections to the Moscow Regional Duma, he and two other members of the NBP held a protest at one of the polling stations in Odintsovo - they set fire to the fires and started scattering leaflets. They were detained, charged under Article 141 of the Criminal Code (obstruction of the exercise of electoral rights or the work of the election commission) and placed in custody in a pre-trial detention center in the city ​​of Mozhaysk . On April 11, 2007, by a decision of the Moscow Regional Court, they were released on bail. ^[one]

On the evening of June 11, 2007, when Chervochkin came to the linear department of the interior of Serpukhov to find out about the fate of friends detained at the station on arrival from the “Dissenters' March”, he was beaten, a protocol was drawn up against him about the allegedly minor hooliganism, and he was sentenced to administrative arrest for 5 days. Then, a criminal case was instituted against him under Article 318 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (use of violence against a government official: according to the protocol “Chervochkin broke into the linear police department, began to threaten employees with violence, beat four police officers, and at the same time he banged his head against a concrete wall” ^[2] ). The case was dismissed before reaching the court.

Chervochkin told his mother and friends that he had received threats from UBOP officers more than once , and after talking with them, he became afraid not only for his life, but also for his girlfriend and friends. ^[3]

His mother later stated: “In September or October, he told me that some major or someone who takes care of them directly told him:“ Are you not afraid that they will find you with a broken head in the entrance of their own house? ”I said to Yurke:“ Yur, but they can do it ... He says: “Well, so what? Well, we’ll die for the happiness of the working people”. ” ^[4]

Particularly often Yuri was detained and conducted “conversations” with him by the head of the Moscow Region RUBOP anti-extremism department, Alexey Okopny ^[5] .

On November 24, 2007 the next March of Dissent was scheduled. On the eve of this date, pressure on the National Bolsheviks near Moscow increased. In the editions of the Other Russia coalition, texts of statements to the prosecutor’s office of the NBP members were given, characterizing the threats from the UBOP near Moscow that they received these days. So, on November 6, Vera Viseiko was threatened with “breaking her legs like a match,” then they said that she would “fall under the electric train or train or end up in prison,” and also threatened that they would kill her boyfriend and party member Vladimir Kaverdyayev, who was advised to “cook a point for a shot. ” Kaverdyaev was detained on November 2, it was stated that he had discovered drugs (according to the statement of Kaverdyaev himself, tossed to him); On November 24, he was detained again, allegedly for petty hooliganism (foul language). On the morning of November 21, Vera Mikhailova was detained on her way to work; she was also threatened in conversations. According to Sergei Baranov, he was threatened that if he appeared on the "Dissenters' March" he would be "planted and broken legs." Sergei Baranov, who was in Surgut these days, reports that upon arrival in Moscow on December 3, he was briefly detained at the airport by the UBOP officers, who began by reporting the beating of Chervochkin (as they said, “local hooligans”), and then stated: “You see, drugs were planted to Kaverdyaev - he will sit down soon. Chervochkin was beaten and it is unknown whether he will survive or not. So tell yours that before the New Year in this way we will remove three more people, I will not give the surname, but you can start the countdown. ”

The statements also repeatedly featured the names of Alexei Okopny, Alexander Tsopin and Dmitry Astafiev, who subsequently blamed the National Bolsheviks for the murder of Chervochkin ^{[6] [7] [8]} .

On November 7, the bride of Chervochkin, the leader of the Tula National Bolsheviks, student Anna Ploskonosova, was detained, who was accused of beating a police officer; In total, 3 criminal cases were instituted against her (she soon emigrated to Ukraine, where in 2008 she received political asylum) ^{[9] [10]} .

Chervochkin himself in October was taken out by employees of the Organized Crime Control Department to Moscow, where they “talked” with him for about five hours. On November 4, he was again detained by the same employees of the Organized Crime Control Department in Serpukhov ^[11] .

On November 22, 2007, at about 4:00 pm, Yuri Chervochkin and his fellow party member Vasily Terekhov were detained near Chervochkin’s house and taken to the local criminal investigation department. Ruslan Barsukov and Kirill Solodovnikov were also summoned there. They demanded a subscription from them that they would not go to Moscow on the “March of Dissent”. According to Terekhov’s recollections, they were photographed, fingerprinted, etc. The head of the criminal investigation department Alexander Cherny held a conversation with them personally, and Terekhov, he said, heard how Cherny shouted at Chervochkin in the next room: “I’m not in your business I’m climbing. But I will not allow people to be seduced - if someone else joins your organization, I will not spare my freedom and life to stop you. ” In response, Chervochkin promised to immediately post their conversation on the Internet. After 4 hours of “preventive actions”, Chervochkin and Terekhov were taken to the outskirts of the city at about 8 p.m., where they dropped off, saying: “walk, think about your life” ^{[12] [13] [14] [15]} .

Terekhov then headed home on foot, and Chervochkin got on the bus and drove to the center - at the Internet cafe "Portal", from where at 20:45 he posted the following post in the National Bolshevik community in LiveJournal:

The minor supporters of Another Russia, Ruslan Barsukov and Solodovnikov Kirill, were invited by summons to the Criminal Investigation Department, where they received “recognizance not to leave” for the upcoming march. Terekhov Vasily and Chervochkin Yuri were detained in the afternoon near their home and also taken to the Ugra to take such receipts.

FSB officers and the head of the criminal investigation department spoke with them. The National Bolsheviks were told that they could write to any prosecutor’s office - it won’t help them, because: “They gave you a green light from above.” The FSB officers said that on the March of Dissent “something serious is being prepared, and if health is expensive, it’s better not to to ride. " There were threats from police officers. Four hours later, everyone was released.

Also in the village Proletarsky, several drunk police officers came to the apartment of Alexei Yurchuk, and in the evening the police went to Gleb Kochetov to take “explanations”

- http://ru-nbp.livejournal.com/1229958.html

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At about 9 p.m. he left the Internet cafe and called the employee of the Kasparov.ru website and at the same time (affiliated with this website) Sobkor @ ru news agency Alexey Sochnev. According to Sochnev, “The conversation was short. He said that now everything is fine with him, “they let go of the cops”. He said that he had just been on the Internet and posted information in the LiveJournal and that now he had a tail. There are four in civilian clothes, two of them he knows: “They participated in my interrogations, UBOP officers.” I told him to be careful. We said goodbye. A few minutes later he was attacked ” ^[16] .

According to some reports, Chervochkin phoned the same message to his fiancée, at the same time giving the name of Okopny ^[17] .

At 21:15, a woman called the city police department, waiting for the shift to finish at the chocolate factory (next to the Internet cafe) and said that a battered man was lying in front of the factory ^{[18] [19]} . The woman witnessed the attack and testified that there were five attackers. Of these, two were walking at a distance, three were marking time near the trading tent next to the Internet cafe where Chervochkin was. When Chervochkin came out, one of the unknown persons waiting for him indicated: “Here he is”, after which all five attacked him and began to beat him - two beaten and three kicked. Chervochkin shouted: "Do not hit only on the head." The beating lasted three to four minutes. The woman began to scream, and the attackers fled, while the woman called an ambulance. According to her description, young people were aged 23-25 ​​years old, dressed in black jackets. Of the two beaten, one was “fat,” and the other was dressed in a sweatshirt with a hood ^[20] .

At the same time, the mobile phone and the money that were under Chervochkin were not stolen.

In serious condition Chervochkin was taken to the hospital to them. Semashko, where he was diagnosed with a brain contusion, a hematoma of the parietal bone , a closed fracture of the left hand. A few days later he fell into a coma. In late November, he was transferred to the Research Institute of Neurosurgery. N. N. Burdenko , where they operated on, removing the hematoma, but this could no longer save him. Since every day of stay in intensive care research institute them. Burdenko cost 20 thousand rubles, an account was opened in Sberbank of Moscow to help Chervochkin. However, the treatment was fully paid by Garry Kasparov . He began sepsis , and it was stated that a complete blood transfusion was needed; National Bolsheviks led by Sergei Aksyonov appeared in the hospital and forced to take blood from them, despite an unacceptable day. At the same time, doctors reported that, even if Chervochkin comes out of a coma, his memory may not return.

On December 10, 2007, at about 4:00 p.m., he died without regaining consciousness ^{[21] [22] [23] [24] [25]} .

They didn’t give out the body of Yura to the mother for a long time, explaining that they allegedly did not have the right to give the body up until the investigation was closed. However, Nadezhda Gennadyevna Chervochkina sat in the prosecutor’s office and stated that she would not leave until she received permission, after which the body was given to her. ^{[25] [26]} .

A funeral was held on December 13, at which up to 200 people participated, about half of them came by bus from Moscow. Among them were the leaders of the Other Russia coalition Eduard Limonov and Garry Kasparov . At the exit from Moscow, the bus was stopped by officers of the UBOP and riot police near Moscow under the pretext of a counter-terrorist operation; for about an hour they copied the passports of passengers and searched the bus with dog handlers , then allowed to continue following. On the way from the Chervochochkin’s house to the cemetery, police stopped the funeral procession and asked who the organizer of the event was. “Have a conscience, this is not an event, but a funeral,” one of the participants in the funeral replied, after which the procession continued on its way ^[25] .

At the funeral, an operational video was openly taken. Eduard Limonov said that, in his opinion, "Yuri killed the Organized Crime Control Department, most likely Serpukhov." ^{[26] [27] [28]} . Kasparov, upon returning from a funeral, said in an interview on Ekho Moskvy radio that many oppositionists received threats from ubopovites:

We hear this constantly at all actions, many representatives of our law enforcement agencies openly complain that it is too liberal to be judged by a military tribunal, in general it’s just why you should go ahead and stop us here and on the spot. It can be assumed that some of the most zealous simply decided to enforce the threat. "

- Interview with Garry Kasparov on "Echo of Moscow" 12/14/2007

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Investigation in Serpukhov

On November 23, the Investigation Department of the Serpukhov Internal Affairs Directorate opened a criminal case under article 213, part 2 (hooliganism committed with the use of weapons or objects used as weapons). At the same time, the message about the attack was not transmitted to the regional bodies of the Internal Affairs Directorate and was not included in the report of incidents in the Moscow Region, and on this basis the press service of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate in the Moscow Region refused to comment on it (“There is no event in the report, therefore there is nothing to comment on”) ^{[29 ]} . In fact, no investigative actions were carried out: “the policeman was practically hiding from Yuri’s mother,” who was never able to find out if the case was opened; witnesses were not interrogated, cassettes were not taken from security cameras installed at the chocolate factory, which should have been imprinted on those who were waiting for Chervochkin at the Internet salon ^{[20] [30]} .

After Chervochkin’s death, the case was transferred from the police to the investigative committee, and it was led by the senior investigator of the Investigative Committee under the prosecutor’s office of the city of Serpukhov, Ivan Demidov .

Consequence of Tselipotkin

Soon, however, the case "in connection with public outcry" was transferred to the investigative department of the Moscow Regional Prosecutor's Office Oleg Tselipotkin ^[26] . The case was reclassified under Article 111.4: “inflicting grievous bodily harm, which, through negligence, resulted in the death of Yu. M. Chervochkin,” although Yury’s relatives and friends considered it to fall under the much more serious Article 105.2 (murder with particular cruelty committed by the group persons by prior conspiracy) ^{[13] [24]} .

Aleksey Sochnev, who was a witness in the case, said that in an informal conversation with him, Tselipotkin suggested that Chervochkina was not beaten by the UBOP officers themselves, but by the “ hooligan ” they had hired. To the question of whether he would interrogate UBOPovtsev, the investigator answered: “Of course. Only nothing will come of it. They are like doctors - no one will ever surrender anyone. Bail . Surely they’ve come up with everything, discussed it ” ^[31] .

Tselipotkin did not interrogate Chervochkin’s mother, but allowed her to familiarize herself with the case ^[26] , and after reading the materials she had the impression that the investigation considers Alexander Cherny, the head of the city criminal investigation department, to be one of the probable organizers of the crime, but has no evidence for that ^[32] . In particular, Chervochkin’s statement to Cherny that he would immediately post information about the illegal detention and their conversation on the Internet explains the fact that the killers knew exactly where Chervochkin would go, and therefore they were waiting for him at the Internet salon.

According to Chervochkina, in a conversation with her, Tselipotkin admitted that, getting down to business, he received a "parting word": "Do not try, you will not find." He recommended Chervochkina "to behave quietly so as not to frighten away these very people in uniform." Tselipotkin also told her that “only an independent operational investigative team from another region or the Investigative Committee of the prosecutor’s office can move the investigation from the dead end,” as Serpukhov’s law enforcement agencies “are themselves under suspicion”. In conversations with N. G. Chervochkina, Tselipotkin complained that neither the Ministry of Internal Affairs , nor the Organized Crime Control Department , nor the FSB was helping him at all, and time was running out. Moreover, according to Celepotkin, the local police openly sabotaged the investigation. So, Tselipotkin could not get the cassettes from the security cameras from the chocolate factory and did not even know if they were seized at all. When Tselipotkin asked Black for the crime scenes made by the task force, he “sent some piece of paper on which a completely different place was shot.” Despite his numerous appeals to both local and regional authorities, Tselipotkin was not able to get an operative video of the funeral (almost the entire composition of the local Ministry of Internal Affairs was present at the funeral, and Tselipotkin hoped that the only witness to the crime would identify the police officers who had beaten Chervochkin).

Chervochkin’s lawyer Olga Mikhailova emphasized that an investigator of much lower qualification was appointed to investigate the murder of Chervochkin than was appointed to investigate his actions at a polling station (it was a highly professional investigator for especially important cases of the Moscow prosecutor’s office, specializing in solving murders). From this, according to her, “it can be concluded that the authorities use the court to protect their interests. “To kill the oppositionist!” Is her secret intention ” ^{[20] [32] [33]} .

Все это время лицам, связанным с Червочкиным и занимавшимся расследованием его убийства, поступали угрозы. Журналист « Новой газеты » Ростислав Богушевский, проходивший по делу в качестве свидетеля, сообщал Целипоткину о неоднократных угрозах: по его словам, после первой же публикации телефонные анонимы предлагали ему «заткнуться по делу Червочкина» ^[26] . Алексей Сочнев сообщает об угрозах со стороны Окопного и его подчиненного: Алексей Окопный и Александр, не знаю фамилии, беседовали со мной, и Окопный сказал: «Ты знай, это не мы убили Червочкина, но если ты не прекратишь политическую свою деятельность, то с тобой, есть вероятность, тоже может что-то произойти». ^[31]

28 апреля 2008 года Целипоткин принял решение приостановить дело на том основании, что «не установлен круг лиц, подлежащих привлечению в качестве обвиняемых». Н. Г. Червочкина обжаловала это решение в Генеральной прокуратуре.

Затягивание следствия

23 июня 2008 года дело забрал у Целипоткина для проверки помощник прокурора Серпухова Фролов, спустя неделю однако ушедший в отпуск, так что дело ещё месяц лежало в его закрытом кабинете.

В августе 2008 года Надежда Червочкина написала письмо председателю Следственного комитета при Прокуратуре России Александру Бастрыкину и руководителю следственного управления по Московской области Андрею Маркову с просьбой передать дело на областной уровень. В начале октября Червочкина получила сообщение, что 17 сентября расследование возобновлено, и сразу же после этого — что оно передано в Каширу старшему следователю городской прокуратуры К. А. Мешкову. На вопросы Червочкиной, зачем дело передано в город, с которым у Серпухова нет даже прямого сообщения, ей отвечали, что Кашира — это тоже Московская область и таким образом удовлетворена её просьба передать дело «в область».

Не произведя никаких следственных действий, Мешков в ноябре приостановил дело в связи с «неполучением оперативной информации». Затем оно было возобновлено и в августе 2009 года снова приостановлено отделом по особо важным делам прокуратуры Московской области из-за отсутствия лиц, подлежащих привлечению в качестве обвиняемых ^{[34] [35] [36]} .

22 ноября 2009 года, ровно через два года после того, как на Червочкина было совершено нападение, его мать Надежда Червочкина провела одиночный пикет с требованием найти виновных в гибели её сына у здания Следственного комитета РФ. Червочкина приковала себя наручниками к зданию Следственного комитета в Москве, держа в руках фотографию сына и плакат. Она была задержана. ^{[4] [36]}

10 декабря 2009 года, в годовщину смерти сына, Н. Г. Червочкина дала пресс-конференцию (совместно с одним из лидеров НБП, Сергеем Аксеновым ), на которой заявила, что дело, по всей видимости, приостановлено опять, что следователь отказывается сообщать ей о состоянии дела и что она «объявляет войну» убийцам сына ^[37] . Спустя ещё два года, 22 ноября 2011 года, она заявила сайту «Каспаров.ру»: «Ничего не делается, ничего не расследуется и мне кажется, что они даже уже потеряли дело. Полгода назад я последний раз обратилась к ним с просьбой ознакомиться с материалами дела, они мне ответили отказом. Мне сказали, что можно обратиться в суд, но это бесполезно» . Её подозрения, что дело потеряно, базируются на беседе со следователем особого отдела, у которого дело находилось некоторое время осенью 2008 года. Следователь сказал: «Мы тут переезжаем с места на место, и мне кажется, что мы уже не найдем его (дела)» . По словам Червочкиной, она подала 40 жалоб во все возможные инстанции, а также правозащитникам, но получала однотипные ответы, сводящиеся к тому, что «Все как оно есть так и есть. Круг подозреваемых не установлен» . Закончила Н. Г. Черовочкина такими словами: «Когда дело было приостановлено, мы проводили пресс-конференцию, и я сказала, что больше не буду заниматься этим хождением, а буду искать другие способы. Ружье я уже купила. Сейчас учусь стрелять. Потому что правовых способов что-то сделать нет» ^[38] .

Мать Червочкина и его соратники по оппозиции сразу же обвинили в убийстве сотрудников подмосковного РУБОП. Сообщение об избиении Червочкина на сайте НБП заканчивалось словами: «У нас нет никаких сомнений в том, что Юрия Червочкина жестоко избил именно подмосковный УБОП. Мы заставим этих сволочей ответить за нашего товарища. Будьте вы прокляты, гниды!» ^{[6] [39]} Нацболы утверждали, что установили относительно небольшой круг сотрудников РУБОПа, участвовавших в задержаниях и допросах Червочкина: по их словам, это были Алексей Окопный, Артур Сайбель, Александр Цопин, Дмитрий Астафьев и ещё два сотрудника, которых они не смогли идентифицировать ^{[14] [15] [40]} . «Главным подозреваемым» нацболы объявили Алексея Окопного. По их утверждениям, якобы именно Окопный и Цопин звонили Червочкину с телефона московской штаб-квартиры УБОПа, обещая «проломить голову» ^{[14] [15] [40]} .

18 октября 2012 года Алексей Окопный, к тому моменту уже сотрудник московского Центра по противодействию экстремизму , подал в суд на одного из лидеров партии « Другая Россия » (наследницы НБП) Сергея Аксенова и гражданского активиста Павла Шехтмана из-за их публикаций, в которых Окопный обвинялся в убийстве Червочкина. Он потребовал опровержения этих данных и компенсации морального ущерба в размере 250 тыс. рублей с каждого ^[17] . Слушания состоялись в Симоновском суде 24 ноября и 6 декабря 2012 года, когда суд и вынес решение. На заседании 6 декабря выступили свидетели со стороны ответчиков. Свидетель Родинов рассказал о том, как в апреле 2007 года Окопный избил его в здании подмосковного ОБОПа после задержания на «Марше несогласных» на Чистых прудах . При этом Окопный, по словам Родинова, угрожал физической расправой Червочкину и другому лидеру подмосковных нацболов, Алине Васильченко, обещая их так избить, что если даже они и выживут, то на всю жизнь останутся беспомощными инвалидами. Алексей Сочнев подтвердил опубликованный ранее рассказ о последнем звонке Червочкина, отметив, что Червочкин жаловался журналистам на то, что Окопный звонит ему на мобильный, угрожая «переломать ноги» и «пробить голову». По его словам, при встрече незадолго до гибели Червочкин пересказал ему слова Окопного: «Если будете продолжать мутить воду, нам дали зелёный свет, чтобы вас вообще не было». Один из лидеров «Другой России» Сергей Фомченков , в свою очередь, рассказал, что знал об угрозах «оперативника Леши» невесте Червочкина Анне Плосконосовой и другим лимоновцам. Со слов нижегородского активиста Дениса Мазина, задержанного в Москве, он также сообщил, что Окопный представлялся Мазину как «убийца Юры».

Суд частично удовлетворил иск, приговорив Аксенова и Шехтмана к выплате в пользу Окопного 40 и 50 тысяч рублей соответственно, однако не обязал СМИ публиковать опровержения оскорбившей Окопного информации ^{[41] [42] [43]} . Несколько дней спустя Павел Шехтман опубликовал статью «История одного убийства», в которой фактически вновь обвинил Окопного в причастности к убийству, опираясь на этот раз на материалы судебных слушаний ^[43] .

В конце 2007 года Червочкин был упомянут в списке персон года, составленном газетой « Ведомости ». Он был объявлен «жертвой года», и его фотография была вынесена на первую страницу номера газеты наряду с фотографиями В. Путина , Ч. Хаматовой , О. Дерипаски , А. Чубайса и М. Гуцериева . «Жизнь, отданная за убеждения, заставляет уважать эти убеждения не только интеллигенцию, но и равнодушных обывателей и власти, против которых убеждения жертвы были направлены» , — писали «Ведомости» ^[44] .

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