Kurginyan, Sergey Ervandovich

Born in a Moscow family of scientists . Father - Yervand Amayakovich Kurginyan (1914-1996), historian, doctor of historical sciences, "hailing from a deaf Armenian village" ^{[5] [6]} . Mother - Maria Sergeyevna Bekman (1922-1989) was a senior researcher in the Department of Literature Theory of the Gorky Institute of World Literature , a specialist in T. Mann , and the author of several monographs. My mother’s grandfather, Sergei Nikolaevich Bekman, is a hereditary nobleman, a descendant of the Swede Beckman, who came to Russia and entered the service of Ivan the Terrible , and the Polish noble family Bonch-Osmolovsky , a white officer who switched to the Reds was shot in 1938 ^[7] . The mother’s grandmother is Maria Semenovna Bekman, nee Princess Mescherskaya from Smolensk ^[8] .

Graduated from the Moscow Geological Prospecting Institute with a degree in geophysics ( 1972 ). ^[9] In 1978 he defended his thesis "Development of methods for quantitative interpretation of the frequency characteristics of a field on the plane of a complex frequency in the methods of electrical exploration and deep geoelectrics", becoming a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences. He was a research fellow at the Institute of Oceanology of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR ( 1974 - 1980 ), until 1986 he was also a senior fellow at the Laboratory of Applied Cybernetics of the Moscow Geological Prospecting Institute .

Theatrical career

Since 1968, he led the theater team at the Moscow Geological Prospecting Institute . In absentia he graduated from the Theater School. B. Schukin ( 1983 ) majoring in drama directing.

He was a member of the commission on new theatrical forms of the Union of Theater Workers of the RSFSR and the initiator of the socio-economic experiment "Studio Theater on a collective contract." In 1986, a theater studio created by S. Kurginyan took part in this experiment , along with the studios of M. Rozovsky , "In the South-West" , "Man", etc. According to the results of the experiment, the theater received the status of an experimental state theater with self-financing ^{[ 10]} (professional theater-studio "On the boards"). The S. Kurginyan Theater professes a philosophical and metaphysical approach to the phenomena of modernity.

In 1992, carried out at the Moscow Art Theater. Gorky staged the play “Shepherd” based on the play “ Batum ” by M. A. Bulgakov ^{[11] [12]} .

Experimental Creative Center

According to economist Sergei Aleksashenko , Kurginyan took part in the so-called “nomenclature privatization” ^[13] , against which he himself has repeatedly actively opposed. According to Aleksashenko, with the special permission of the district executive committee, Kurginyan received two buildings under the “Experimental Creative Center” ^[13] . Kurginyan himself confirmed that he really got these buildings on balance, but refuted the assessment of this as “getting into ownership” ^[13] .

Since the 1980s, Kurginyan, in parallel with theatrical activities, has been analyzing the political process. In November 1987, the executive committee of the Moscow City Council, by decision No. 2622, created the "Experimental Creative Center" on the basis of the "On Boards" theater-studio and provided it with a complex of premises in Vspolny lane , opening financing for their reconstruction. In January 1989, Kurginyan headed a new type of organization, the Experimental Creative Center, created by the Moscow City Executive Committee on the basis of the theater. In 1990, received the name of the International Public Fund “Experimental Creative Center” (IOF ETC, “Center Kurginyan”) ^[14] , Kurginyan became its president. On July 4, 1991, the ETF ETF was registered with the Ministry of Justice as an independent public organization. Since December 2004, ETC has been a non-governmental organization associated with the UN Department of Public Information ^[14] .

Political Activities

In 1988, he joined the CPSU to try to stop the collapse of the USSR ^[15] . After applying to the CPSU Central Committee with a proposal to provide expert assistance in resolving the impending Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict through the mediation of Vyacheslav Mikhailov (at that time an employee of the CPSU Central Committee apparatus, head of the CPSU Central Committee for Interethnic Relations), he was sent with a group of analysts to Baku . The result of the trip was the Baku report of December 15, 1988 ^[16] . The report went directly to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, after which S. Kurginyan was involved in the Central Committee of the CPSU as a consultant and repeatedly went to “hot spots” ( Karabakh , Vilnius , Dushanbe ) on behalf of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Supreme Council of the USSR to conduct expert examinations of conflicts ^[17] .

In the course of work with the Central Committee of the CPSU, he received the support of the second (then first) Secretary of the CPSU MGK Yuri Prokofiev ^[15] , who supported S. Kurginyan’s idea of ​​relying on the intellectual layer (primarily scientific and technical intelligentsia) to take the country up to the modernization barrier. In September 1990, during a brainstorming session in the USSR Council of Ministers, Kurginyan proposed carrying out harsh confiscation measures and mass repressions against the “businessmen of the shadow economy ”. He maintained close ties with the USSR People’s Deputy and the head of the Soyuz deputy group Viktor Alksnis ^[18] .

In the spring of 1990, he ran for election to the People’s Deputies of the RSFSR according to the lists of the Bloc of Social-Patriotic Forces “Towards Popular Accord” in Chertanovsky Territorial District No. 58 of Moscow . Candidate S. Kurginyan’s election program proposed a national salvation strategy for Russia aimed at preventing the collapse of the Russian economy, society and the state. The appeal of a group of voters supporting candidate S. Kurginyan, in response to a question about where to get money for the implementation of this program, indicated that Russia annually loses huge amounts of money due to the unfair distribution between the Union republics of the USSR, on long-term and union "projects of the century" and so on. With the separating republics it was proposed to switch "to settlements at world prices for raw materials." The Russians were offered "sparingly and prudently", like the Japanese, to invest all the freed money in the program of national salvation of Russia ^[19] .

In July 1990, Kurginyan wrote a memorandum to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which stated that “the USSR is becoming a fictitious state entity, an unnecessary and burdensome superstructure for all statehood entities, de facto already declaring their fullness as states in full the sense of the word. <...> The only possible course for the current political leadership of the USSR is the so-called. “Royal idea”, that is, a powerful conceptual concept that allows you to create a new subject as soon as possible. <...> Such a state should become part of the USSR, larger than Russia, and inevitably smaller than today's USSR ” ^[20] .

According to Kurginyan, in 1991 he refused to become an adviser to the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev because of diverging views on how to get the Communist Party and the country out of the impasse ^{[15] [17] [21]} . However, according to the former USSR people's deputy Viktor Alksnis: “S. Kurginyan was an unofficial adviser to the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and even M. Gorbachev. It was S. Kurginyan who then proposed to Gorbachev his plan for withdrawing the Soviet Union from the crisis, and he began to implement it. Briefly, the essence of this plan was that Gorbachev should unite the centrist forces of the Soviet Union, cut off the radicals left and right, create a powerful centrist bloc of political parties and movements, based on which to begin carrying out reforms in the country. ” ^[18] .

He politically and morally supported the GKChP (which was not directly related to his speech), soon after the failure of which he published the article “I am an ideologist of a state of emergency”. According to Kurginyan himself, he learned about the Emergency Committee in the morning of August 19, entering the office of Oleg Lobov, First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR ^{[15] [17]} . After the release of the former Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Kryuchkov from custody in January 1993, he took him to work in the "Experimental Creative Center" ^[22] .

In May 1992, on behalf of the club "Postperestroika" distributed the document "At the last line. A memorandum on the possible reconciliation of the constructive forces of Russia, in which he called for the creation of a coalition government of “democrats who did not tarnish their honor by cooperating with the anti-people course, advanced and progressively minded patriots oriented towards the future development of the communist country, as well as representatives of industry leaders devoted to the national interests and agriculture, farmers, entrepreneurs, bankers, leading trade unions of the country ” ^[23] .

In March 1993 , according to some reports, Kurginyan became adviser to the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR Ruslan Khasbulatov ^[24] . However, Khasbulatov himself denied that Kurginyan worked for him as an adviser ^[22] . During the events of September - October 1993, he was in the building of the Supreme Council , opposing the supporters of a forceful solution to the crisis from among the opposition-security officials and political radicals (V. Achalov, A. Barkashov, A. Makashov, S. Terekhov, etc.) and pointing on the dangerous lack of resources - power, political, information and others - from supporters of the Supreme Council for the success of such actions. He was the developer of a scenario for the behavior of the opposition forces, an alternative to that which was implemented on October 3 (“campaign against Ostankino”). In his opinion, the plan to march on Ostankino was provocative. Several times he interrupted the provocations organized among the defenders of the Supreme Council building (the so-called "Sokolov rebellion", etc.), categorically objected to the incorporation of defenders of Barkashovites and other provocative elements into the environment. He led a political dialogue and information campaign in favor of the Supreme Council. On September 30, the “party” of supporters of the campaign against Ostankino, which was inside the building of the Armed Forces, managed to expel S. Kurginyan as his dangerous opponent (according to another version, Kurginyan was detained by three RNE Barkashov members armed with machine guns, and without explanation or reason was sent to cordon off the White House ^{[ 25]} ). On the same day, S. Kurginyan addressed all supporters of the Supreme Council with a warning about the impending provocation. The warning was transmitted through the channels of the information system “Ring” that existed at that time, and also appeared on tapes of official news agencies. ^[26]

In March 1996, he invited representatives of big business to unite and take a constructive pro-government position, which was to become a guarantee of the preservation of a legal democratic political regime in the country. The result was the famous “ Letter of the Thirteen ” ^[27] , which was signed by such famous people as Boris Berezovsky , Mikhail Fridman , Mikhail Khodorkovsky . The publication of the letter became an important element of the political process, which blocked the beginning of events along the lines of 1993 (on March 17, 1996, the State Duma deputies were unexpectedly evacuated from the building), connected with the fear of some elites due to the expected loss of the 1996 presidential election by Boris N. Yeltsin The head of the Communist Party G. A. Zyuganov. As a result, B.N. Yeltsin was able to convince of the prospects of the elective option for extension of powers. The escalation of events and the imposition of a state of emergency were prevented (the State Duma resumed work, elections in the summer of 1996 were held). However, the result of the interaction of the environment of Boris N. Yeltsin and the largest businessmen during the preparation and conduct of the 1996 elections was the emergence in Russia in 1996-1999. oligarchic political regime, so-called. " Seven bankers ."

Kurginyan claimed to have participated in the removal of General A. I. Lebed from the post of Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation ^{[17] [28]} .

At the beginning of 2011, he created and led the Essence of Time movement, which included supporters of the red revenge and the restoration of the renewed USSR , gathered around the Essence of Time series of programs.

• “The essence of time” is the author’s program of Sergey Kurginyan, which laid the foundation for the movement of the same name. It was released from February 1 to November 17, 2011. A total of 41 issues and 2 special issues were published.

In December 2011, he twice publicly burns a white ribbon (a symbol of the protest movement in Russia at the turn of 2011-2012), which he called the symbol of the new edition of Perestroika , Perestroika 2 ^{[29] [30] [31]} .

In the winter of 2012, together with a number of politicians, he opposed the threat of the “Orange Revolution” in Russia (received the name by analogy with the Ukrainian Orange Revolution ), which, starting as the “Fair Elections Movement” , in the opinion of these politicians, used the form and methods of the Ukrainian scenario . In order to counter this threat, a broad “anti-orange coalition” was assembled from political and public organizations, in which the main unifying principle was to prevent the start of the “Orange Revolution” in the country and which took the position of the alternative opposition, “Third Force” in the events that took place ^[32] . Then, on the initiative of S. Kurginyan, an “Anti-Orange Committee” was created, which included and at whose meetings Maxim Shevchenko , Mikhail Leontyev , Alexander Dugin , Vadim Kvyatkovsky , Marina Yudenich spoke. ^[33] . The main complaint against the representatives of the “orange” (Nemtsov, Kasparov, Kasyanov, Ryzhkov, Sobchak) and the “liberoids” was that, according to Kurginyan, they were striving for the “collapse of Russia” and the launch of “Perestroika-2” ^[34] .

During 2011-2012. at the head of the movement The essence of time, together with a number of affiliated movements, organizations and public figures, holds a series of meetings in Moscow .

At the first stage (December 2011-March 2012), they were mainly devoted to the fight against the “orange coalition”:

• December 24, 2011, Altermitting "Collection Point", Sparrow Hills ^[35]
• February 4, 2012, Anti-Orange Rally, Poklonnaya Gora ^[36]
• February 23, 2012, Altermitation "Third Force", All-Russian Exhibition Center ^[37]
• March 5, 2012, Mobilization rally, Suvorov Square ^[38]

According to S. Kurginyan, launching a series of rallies, he solved two problems: firstly, he counteracted the “orange” seizure of power by the radical non-systemic opposition; secondly, fixing the position “against the orange, in opposition to Putin” to play up the Communist Party in order to develop its electoral success in the elections to the State Duma in December 2011. However, this is largely due to the lack of a clear position on the part of the Communist Party leadership on the issue of counteraction , support for the "orange opposition" this did not happen. Accordingly, the whole effect of S. Kurginyan’s actions was received by V. Putin, who won the presidential election and, most importantly, managed to consolidate this victory. Важным фактором этого была потеря несистемной оппозицией динамизма и, в значительной мере, авторитета (ситуации «народ против власти» не случилось). Это стало одним из результатов массовых митингов как самих сторонников В. Путина, так и кургиняновской «третьей силы»; в результате представители оппозиции активно критиковали С. Кургиняна, обвиняя его в работе на Путина. С. Кургинян стал объектом жесткой информационной кампании со стороны объединённой несистемной оппозиции, как радикально-левой («новые левые», неотроцкисты, наиболее радикальная часть КПРФ и др.), так и либеральной (Б. Немцов, "Эхо Москвы и др.).

В дальнейшем (с мая 2012 г.) основное внимание уделяется борьбе против ювенальной юстиции (что, помимо основного результата, расширяет социально-политическую базу поддержки движения С. Кургиняна «Суть времени»), причем как в составе широкой коалиции, включая представителей РПЦ МП, так и на собственных ресурсах:

• 15 мая 2012, Собрание против ювенальной юстиции, Пушкинская площадь ^[39]
• 17 июня 2012, Коалиционный митинг против либерального курса Кремля, Площадь Революции ^[40]
• 1 июля 2012, Коалиционный митинг широкой патриотической оппозиции, Площадь Революции ^[41]
• 22 сентября 2012, Шествие и митинг против принятия ювенальных законов, Крымская набережная ^[42]
• 9 февраля 2013 года Сергей Кургинян выступал с открывающей речью на Первый съезд родителей, ^[43] помимо него там же выступили глава администрации президента РФ Сергей Иванов , ^{[43] [44]} председатель синодального отдела по взаимодействию церкви и общества Московского Патриархата Всеволод Чаплин , ^[44] а также Президент РФ Владимир Путин . ^{[43] [45]} Форум был посвящён критике ювенальной юстиции , реформы школьного образования и практики усыновления иностранцами российских сирот ^{[43] [46] [47]} . Сергей Кургинян назвал организацию « Родительское Всероссийское Сопротивление » «патриотической и оппозиционной» ^[44] .

В июне 2014 года Кургинян прибыл в Донецк. В разгар украинского кризиса 7 июля Кургинян подверг критике командующего обороной Славянска Игоря Стрелкова , обвинив его в том, что тот оставил город, пытается сдать Донецк и идет в Россию для свержения Путина ^[48] . В Донецке под охраной батальона «Восток» Кургинян проводил пресс-конференцию ^[48] . Стрелков, находившийся тогда в Донецке, направил к Кургиняну Павла Губарева , приглашая Кургиняна к себе на разговор и гарантируя московскому гостю безопасность ^[48] . Кургинян приехать отказался и настаивал, чтобы Стрелков к нему сам прибыл ^[48] .

Участие в телепроектах

С июля по декабрь 2010 года был соведущим телепрограммы « Суд времени » (вместе с Леонидом Млечиным и Николаем Сванидзе в качестве судьи) на Пятом канале .

Автор и ведущий «анти шоу» программы «Суть времени», публикуемой с февраля 2011 года на видеохостинге Vimeo ^[49] , сайте Экспериментального творческого центра ^[14] и сайте виртуального клуба « Суть Времени » ^[50] . В передаче, среди прочего, высказывает мысль о мессианской роли России в современном мире ^[51] .

С августа 2011 года по февраль 2012 года — соведущий (вместе с Николаем Сванидзе) проекта « Исторический процесс » на телеканале « Россия ». Весной 2012 года заявил о своем уходе из этой программы ^[52] .

Жена — Мария Мамиконян , однокурсница Сергея по геологоразведочному институту, актриса театра «На досках», политический публицист, сотрудник центра Кургиняна, председатель « Родительского Всероссийского Сопротивления ».

Дочь — Ирина, кандидат исторических наук, сотрудник центра Кургиняна.

Есть внучка. ^[53]

В 1991 году выступал с поддержкой идеи « Демократического союза » о создании Учредительного собрания для смены общественно-политического строя:

Моя позиция очень сходится с позицией Демократического Союза, который говорит об Учредительном собрании. Я тоже считаю, что для смены Конституции и общественно-политического строя нам нужно Учредительное собрание.

— Газета «Смена». № 104—105, 8.05.1991 г. ^[54]

Также высказывался против советской демократии как демократии, которую уже не контролирует закон, за диктат законов и жёсткое соблюдение принципа единого законотворца в лице союзного руководства:

У нас ведь как: либо — сталинизм, либо — ветры демократии. Система рассчитана на идиота. Весь политический опыт мира говорит о том, что, как раз когда эти ветры демократии начинают дуть с полной силой, все кончается тоталитаризмом. Рано или поздно народ говорит: «Нам нужен царь, чтобы он всем рубил голову, но — один». И начинается русская игра: от беспредела к диктатуре, от диктатуры к беспределу, от беспредела опять к диктатуре… Ведь когда я вам говорю о своей неприязни к демократии, я имею в виду советскую демократию. Демократию, которую уже не контролирует закон.

— Газета «Смена». № 104—105, 8.05.1991 г. ^[54]

Выступал за передачу власти производителю:

И самое главное — это лично моя точка зрения — власть должна быть передана производителю.

— Газета «Смена». № 104—105, 8.05.1991 г. ^[54]

В 2007 году перед выборами Президента России высказал мнение, что «сам принцип президентской власти в России — более фундаментально конституционен, чем принцип, в котором говорится о двух сроках президентства», а также высказал опасение, что «если Путин попытается сдвинуться с президентского поста хотя бы на миллиметр, он развалит систему» ^[55] .

В 2011 году после съезда партии Единая Россия , комментируя выдвижение Д.Медведевым премьер-министра В.Путина кандидатом на пост Президента России , С.Кургинян сказал, что «процесс, который хотели повернуть в сторону возврата к радикальному либерализму , в эту сторону не повернулся», а также, что «с десталинизацией радикального либерализма, возвратом к уже мертвым мифологемам и типам социального и прочего культурного бытия, — с этим всем покончено на ближайшее время». Обращаясь к своим сторонникам, С.Кургинян также подчеркнул, что этого не произошло благодаря «в том числе и нашим скромным усилиям». ^[56]

С уважением относится к Ленину ^[57] , Сталину ^{[58] [59]} и Берии ^[60] и сожалеет, что не удалось спасти СССР. По его словам, ощущает личную вину за развал СССР ^[61] :

Я считаю, что моя вина заключается в том, что я не вывел людей на улицу. Я в 91-м году не вывел людей на улицу, потому что я любил КПСС, я считал, что у неё есть потенциал, я работал на КПСС, и я считал, что она их выведет на улицу. Я передал общественную энергию в руки института, которому я доверял. Вот единственная вина. Я там раз шесть спасал ситуацию так, как эксперт. Но я не стал уличным политиком в 91-м году, потому что я считал, что улица — вот она, рядом, что же я буду изобретать велосипед. А в 2012 году я поступил иначе.

— Из интервью «Антикризисному клубу» ^[62]

Характеризует состояние сознания современного российского общества как катастрофу смыслов, которая стала одним из последствий Перестройки и заключалась в замене идеальных ценностей (коммунистических идеалов и связанных с ними смыслов) на материальные (потребление как цель жизни) вместо равноценной замены одних иделов на другие. В книге « Исав и Иаков » С.Кургинян проводит параллель между этим обменом и сюжетом библейской притчи об Исаве и Иакове , которая описывает, как Исав, будучи старшим братом, продал Иакову своё право первородства за чечевичную похлёбку ^[63] .

Считает, что единственно возможная форма существования для нашей страны — это империя как союз равноправных народов, а русский народ должен играть в ней государствообразующую роль и стать её ядром, вокруг которого собираются другие народы ^{[64] [65]} .

Уверен, что Россия должна отказаться от идеи вхождения в Европу , поскольку оно несовместимо с сохранением целостности страны и может состояться только при условии распада страны. Считает, что Россия не может войти в Европу ещё и потому, что Россия — это и есть Европа, но другая, что она — альтернативная Европа, часть христианского мира, основанная на европейской культуре и наследующая ей, но ведущая свою историю от Восточной Римской империи (Византии) , в то время как современная западная Европа выступает наследницей Западной Римской империи ^[66] .

He notes the existence of a global development crisis: “a world without development is monstrous - it is a world of counter-modern and post-modern. And developing according to the laws of modernity is becoming more and more impossible. ” He claims that our country has unique experience in an alternative (non-European) way of development, since its modernization was not classical, it went differently than all other developed countries (these views are outlined in the cycle of the program “Essence of Time”). So, in the issue of the program “Essence of Time” dated 10.25.2011, relying on the concepts of a number of scientists, including V. I. Vernadsky , Nikolai Fedorov , A. A. Bogdanov , he argued that “only Russia can develop in the whole world not as it is prescribed by modernity ”and that“ the desire of Russia to develop not according to the rules of modernity is not a whim, it is not Russian nonsense, but this is a world-wide historical salvation ” ^[67] . He believes that the application of this experience will allow Russia not only to overcome the regression and begin development, but also to manifest messianism by offering the whole world a way to overcome the Art Nouveau crisis, in which development through classical modernization is no longer possible, because our country is “a source of knowledge about how to develop not according to the rules of modernity ":

The question of the world-historical significance of Russia, its world-historical uniqueness even at the bottom of its fall - in its exclusivity! What is she doing?

The fact that only Russia throughout the world is able to develop not as prescribed by modernity. And she has not just an abstract ability to develop like that. She has the historical experience of this other development! Century-old historical experience!

- Program “The Essence of Time”, issue 38 ^[67]

He claimed that for this reason they want to remove Russia from the historical scene:

Right now, at the bottom of its fall, Russia is the savior of mankind, because it is precisely now that the world-historical task of developing beyond the limits of modernity has arisen. Or development beyond modernity - or underdevelopment, that is, fascism and death. The question is as acute as ever. And precisely because they want to remove Russia from the historical scene, because it remains an opportunity for development in the 21st century - a living guardian of knowledge about how to do this.

- Program “The Essence of Time”, issue 38 ^[67]

Adheres to anti- liberal opposition views and occupies an alternative opposition niche, criticizing both the government and the liberal opposition, considering the government a lesser evil. Since December 2011, he has been discussing political events and sets out his point of view on the political process in the series of analytical programs “The Meaning of the Game”.

• “The meaning of the game” is Sergey Kurginyan’s author’s analytical program, which discusses current policy issues. Published since December 9, 2011.

The word “liberoid” for S. Kurginyan is abusive, he uses this term to refer to that part of the Russian liberals who are characterized by extreme rejection of traditional values ​​for Russia and the conviction of the viciousness of all stages of its history; however, he notes that their political behavior violates all liberal standards adopted in the West ^[68] . He also criticized Russia's entry into the WTO and spoke out in support of Patriarch Kirill ^{[69] [70]} .

Author of a number of books and many articles in the press ^[71] , a frequent guest of analytical programs on the central channels of Russian television. Several times participated in the television program “Towards a Barrier” and “Duel”, his “rivals” became:

• Mark Urnov ^[72]
• Konstantin Borovoi ^[73]
• Nikolai Zlobin ^[74]
• Alexey Venediktov ^[75]
• Boris Nadezhdin ^[76]
• Leonid Gozman ^[77]
• Gregory Amnuel ^[78]
• Vyacheslav Kovtun ^[79]
• Vladimir Zhirinovsky ^[80]

In 1990, he co-authored the book “Post-perestroika” ^[81] , in which he warns of the threat of the seizure of power by “criminal capital”.

Creator, permanent leader and chief director of the theater-studio "On the boards." Among the theater’s many performances during the years of perestroika, the play “Shorthand Record”, based on documentary materials of the XIV Conference of the CPSU (b), was topical. In 1987, in the European newspapers and magazines, the original production of the drama by A. S. Pushkin “ Boris Godunov ” was called “a play about the collapse of the first Russian perestroika”.

In the early to mid-1990s, he was a permanent member of the Analytical Group of the Foreign Policy Association (The Immortals Group, by the name of the former USSR Foreign Minister Alexander Bessmertnyh ) ^[82] .

Since 1994, regularly participates in international congresses and symposia. Since 2001, she has been conducting a permanent Russian-Israeli seminar on the problems of counter-terrorism and international security.

In 1995, he participated, together with a group of other young intellectuals (S. Chernyshev, A. Belousov, V. Glazychev, A. Kuraev, V. Makhnach, V. Radaev, Sh. Sultanov and others), in the collection “Other. An anthology of the new Russian self-consciousness ” ^[83] .

He developed the concept of the fourth (besides modern , counter - modern and post-modern ) version of the development of society - “ super - modern ” (set out in the book “ Esau and Jacob ” and developed in the cycle of programs “The Essence of Time”) as the only one suitable for the development of Russia .

He is the editor-in-chief of the Russia-XXI journal, published in 1992, and the school of holistic analysis almanac (since 1998 ). He leads the intellectual-discussion club "Content unity". He is engaged in the analysis of political processes in Russia and in the world, post-capitalist ideologies, political philosophy and decision-making strategy.

Books

• Response field
• Russian Question and the Institute of the Future
• Post-perestroika: a conceptual model for the development of our society, political parties and public organizations in 1990
• Seventh scenario (in three parts: part 1 Before the coup, part 2 After the coup, part 3 Before the choice) 1992
• Lessons of October (Lessons of bloody October) (published in the journal Russia XXI, No. 11-12, 1993) 1993
• Russia: Power and Opposition 1993
• Weakness of Strength: Closed Elite Games Analytics and its 2006 Conceptual Foundations
• Swing: The conflict of elites or the collapse of Russia? 2008 year
• Kurginyan S.E. Esau and Jacob. - M .: MOF ETC, 2009. - ISBN 978-5-7018-0515-4 . (information about the book on the IOF ETC website)
• Actual archive. Theory and Practice of Political Games 2010
• The political tsunami. North Africa and the Middle East 2011 Analytics
• Kurginyan S.E. The essence of time. The philosophical substantiation of the messianic claims of Russia in the XXI century. - M .: MOF ETTs, 2012 .-- 1,500 copies. - ISBN 978-5-7018-0523-9 . (The book “The Essence of Time” on the IOF ETC website)
• Kurginyan S.E. Red spring. - M .: MOF ETTs, 2015 .-- 5,000 copies. - ISBN 978-5-7018-0551-2 .

Positive

• Alexander Yanov in 1995 attributed Sergei Kurginyan to the smartest ^{[ specify ]} from opposition ideologists ^[84] .
• In an editorial of the Russian Journal , it is noted that “on the basis of the“ School of Holistic Analysis ”created by Kurginyan in recent years, it has really been possible to obtain a new quality in the description of macro-regional and global processes, to ensure high efficiency of forecasts for the development of a number of processes” ^[85]
• Simon Kordonsky described Kurginyan as “outstanding ^{[ what? ]} intelligent person combining ^{[ how? ]} all forms of research attitude to the world (director-conceptual, reductionist and expert). ” According to Kordonsky, “Kurginyanov’s world is a scene ^{[ where? ]} , on which, under the watchful director’s eye of Kurginyan, a spectacle designed ^{[ how? ]} expert-Kurginyan on the basis of the reductionist (Kurginyanovsky) model of a fragment of history. The creative and political failures of such comprehensively developed intellectuals only add to their ardor, ambition and popularity in their native ^{[ which one? ]} environment ” ^[86] .
• Vadim Joseph Rossman in 2002 considered Kurginyan one of the most consistent statesmen (etatists) who opposes fascist and Nazi ideologies ^[87]
• Vyacheslav Kuznetsov singled out the works of Sergei Kurginyan in a series of “significant studies that offer interesting approaches to creating a methodology and theory of developmental culture” ^[88] .
• Doctor of Historical Sciences Dmitry Levchik concluded that S. Kurginyan in 1991-1993 "demonstrated the continuity of the historical path of the USSR - Russia." He noted the merits of Kurginyan in debunking the ideological cliche about the “historical mistake” “on the path of development of our country” ^[89] .

Neutral and moderate

• Doctor of Historical Sciences Alexander Repnikov ( RGASPI ), commenting on the article by S. Kurginyan on virtualization of life, the struggle between postmodernism and the personality and ideology of “ citizens of the world ”, generally shares the author’s position and regrets that “this is not an aspiration to appear, it seems, an aspiration of an individual dissolves itself into nothing, in a certain virtual game the main goal of life for many ” ^[90] .
• In an article in the Izvestia newspaper, observer Irina Petrovskaya , speaking of Kurginyan, noted: He takes with his throat, temperament, often turning into a hysterical rage, the availability of argumentation and a populist appeal to the people . This, in her opinion, is the reason for the regular support of Kurginyan in television voting ^[91] .
• According to APN columnist Eric Lobakh, Kurginyan carries out two political technological orders. The first: pre-election criticism of all political forces, except for " United Russia "; the second: "drive a wedge between the patriots of Russia and Russian nationalists ." ^{[92] [ specify ]}

Negative

• According to political analyst Andrei Piontkovsky, Kurginyan is quite indiscriminate in defending the case, which he sincerely believes is right . As an example, he cites the program " Historical Process ", dedicated to the fate of Mikhail Khodorkovsky . Kurginyan brought down charges so false and demagogic on a man sentenced to a slow and painful death that even a decade of official investigation that hates its victim does not dare to present them, Piontkovsky noted. Piontkovsky also classifies S. Kurginyan as a major left-wing patriotic thinker ^{[93] [94]} .
• Yuri Pivovarov , doctor of political sciences, professor, academician of the Historical and Philological Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences , opposing S. Kurginyan on the program “Historical Process” and answering the question “Is capitalism able to end wars?”, He answered: “I don’t know what capitalism is, I I don’t use a language, it’s not my language ”,“ your language of a semi-educated teacher of political economy of 70 years does not convince me, Western society cannot be described by your categories, this is nonsense, stupidity and inadequacy ” ^[95] .
• Andrei Kuraev called Kurginyan and other speakers at the February 4, 2012 rally “ punk Stalinists” and accused them of desecrating Poklonnaya Gora ^[96] .
• Economist and publicist Mikhail Khazin said live on the RSN: “Kurginyan is a political scientist, ... he works on order” ^[97] .
• Boris Altshuler, Deputy Commission of the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation for Social Policy, Labor Relations and the Quality of Life of Citizens, President of the regional public organization for the protection of children's rights “The Right of the Child”: “For opponents of juvenile justice, in particular for Sergey Kurginyan, the law on public control over boarding schools goes in conjunction with the law on social patronage. The fact that they combine these laws is very bad. I know the pros and cons of the law on social patronage, but opponents, when they criticize the law on social patronage, do it unconstructively ” ^[98]

Cyprus Foundation

In February 2012, information appeared on the Internet that Kurginyan “has a fund in Cyprus” ^[99] . For a little over a year, this information has been exaggerated on the Internet. Speaking to the public in Vladivostok in October 2012, Kurginyan made a statement that he has a fund in Cyprus, referring to the representative office of his ETF ETF fund, which does not have its own account and the ability to conduct financial transactions ^[100] .

In a March 2013 publication on MK.ru, Boris Nemtsov was quoted quoting his Facebook page as saying that Kurginyan has a fund registered in Cyprus. Kurginyan filed a lawsuit against him to defend his honor and dignity ^[101] and immediately denied this information ^[102] , adding a public promise that if someone proves that he has a fund registered in Cyprus, he will leave politics ^{[102] ]} . Nemtsov commented on this situation: “The clowning is that Kurginyan himself admitted that he has a fund in Cyprus, speaking in Vladivostok in October 2012. And then I forgot. The age ... ” ^[103] . During the meeting, Kurginyan’s own lawyers suggested that the court not trust the words of his client, stating that he could accidentally or deliberately mislead the audience ^[101] .

On March 29, Nemtsov posted a video on his blog where Kurginyan says he has a fund in Cyprus, accompanying them with a link to an extract from the Russian Unified State Register of Legal Entities ^[104] , where on the 7th page there is information about the registration of the representative office of the Center Kurginyan Foundation in The Cyprus city of Larnaca ^[105] , which is a branch of the Russian ETC and is not an independent legal entity in accordance with the laws of both the Russian Federation and the Republic of Cyprus, the legislation of which provides for such type of legal entities as the “Fund”. Nemtsov also demanded that Kurginyan fulfill his promise and leave politics. ^[105]

The case was examined on September 13 at the Presnensky District Court of Moscow ^[106] . According to the defendant (Nemtsov), his statement contains inaccuracies in the fact that the ETF ETF (“Kurginyan Center”) is registered in Cyprus, since it is registered in Russia, and in Cyprus it has only a representative office, but this inaccuracy does not discredit the plaintiff’s honor ^{[ 107]} . According to the court, these words of Nemtsov did not discredit the plaintiff’s honor, so the court refused to satisfy Kurginyan’s lawsuit ^[108] . Nemtsov said on his page on the social network that he had won a lawsuit against Kurginyan: “ This faithful Putinist, patriot and statesman has a fund in Cyprus ” ^[109] . On the same day, in a video appeal, Kurginyan drew attention to the fact that the defendant himself denied his words, and also expressed his intention to appeal this decision ^[110] .

• He described the RSDLP (b) , which carried out the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917 , and thereby gave rise to the world's first socialist state , as a "catacomb sect . " ^[111]
• On February 17, 2008 , during a broadcast with E. Albats , after the host refused to apologize and turned off the microphone, S. Kurginyan left the studio ^[112] .
• On December 16, 2008, in a Clinch show on Echo of Moscow , S. Kurginyan, a consistent opponent of Nazi ideology ^[87] , threw a glass of water at Roman Dobrokhotov after he told him: “This same protest wave can go along the way Kurginyan is the most terrible way, it’s the fascist, brown one ”and“ it seems to me that you are “blue” better than “orange” ” ^{[113] [114] [115]} .
• In 2010 , after the tragedy at the Raspadskaya mine and the wave of protest rallies that swept across the country, Kurginyan organized a political science landing in Mezhdurechensk . In the Zavtra newspaper ^[116], S. Kurginyan accused the opposition media of “base lies” reporting low salaries, poor working conditions for miners, and overstating the number of injured. Having compiled a psychological portrait of the co-owner of the mine G. Kozovoy, S. Kurginyan came to the conclusion that “Raspadskaya mine for Kozovoy is a passionately beloved woman.” Analyzing the possible causes of the tragedy, S. Kurginyan claimed that Raspadskaya was the most advanced mine in mining technology and safety control technology, and also called a man-made special catastrophe as one of the versions of what happened.
• Commenting on the well-known speech of Y. Shevchuk at a meeting with V. Putin in 2010, Kurginyan expressed his attitude to the opposition-minded part of the Russian intelligentsia with the following words: “ she is nobody and there is no way to call her. She can swing something, but she cannot solve problems at all and does not want to . ” The suggestions of the intelligentsia, according to Kurginyan, are “ beautiful, superficial and vibrant chatter, ” in the words of Y. Shevchuk “ there is no depth and no love .” On the contrary, according to Kurginyan, V. Putin tried to speak with the intelligentsia as "national intelligentsia." ^[117]
• В выпуске программы «Суть времени» от 06.09.2011 Кургинян назвал Муаммара Каддафи «последним рыцарем мира» и «последним героем мира» ^[118] .
• 18 июня 2012 года С. Кургиняну присудили шуточную премию «Серебряная калоша», присуждаемой радиостанцией «Серебряный дождь» за самые сомнительные достижения. Он получил «Серебряную калошу» в номинации «Великолепная шестерка или Всадники Апокалипсиса» с формулировкой «за отстаивание позиции с пеной у рта». ^[119]

Сергей Ервандович Кургинян не ведет и никогда не вел каких-либо аккаунтов в социальных сетях и никого не уполномочивал вести аккаунты в социальных сетях от своего имени ^[120] .

Базовые ссылки

• Экспериментальный творческий центр Кургиняна
• Экспериментальный творческий центр Кургиняна в « Твиттере »
• Сайт театра «На досках»
•   — Экспериментальный творческий центр Кургиняна в « Живом Журнале »
•   — клуб «Суть времени» в « Живом Журнале »
• Сайт клуба «Суть времени»
• Официальный канал Видеопередачи Центра Кургиняна («Суть времени», «Смысл игры», спецпроекты, такие как «Спец история») на Vimeo
• Стенограммы передачи «Суд Времени»
• Антиоранжевый комитет

Other

• Все интервью Сергея Кургиняна на радиостанции «Эхо Москвы»
• Все интервью Сергея Кургиняна на радиостанции «Русская Служба Новостей»
• Интервью Сергея Кургиняна на радиостанции «Финам FM»
• Сергей Черняховский Стратег левого поиска
• Россия обречена снова стать сверхдержавой — интерьвью еженедельнику 2000