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Pedersen's Law

Holger Pedersen until 1896 in Greifswald

Laws Pödersen [1] (other names are the “hand” rule , the transition * s to * x ) is the phonetic law formulated independently of each other by K. Uhlenbeck in 1894 and H. Pedersen in 1895 for Slavic languages . An article by Pedersen quickly entered the scientific circulation, and later the law began to be called by his name. Later, in 1922, the law was extended by A. Meye to all satem languages [2] . Proceeded in them is not uniform, the conditions in different languages ​​differ from each other [3] .

Content

Slavic languages

Description of the phenomenon

The conditions of this phonetic change following H. Pedersen can be defined as follows: * s after * ī , * i , * i̯ , * ū , * u , * u̯ , * r , * k changed to the velar spirant * x , if not followed by the explosive sound of * p , * t or * k . The combination * kx was further simplified in * x [4] . The transition did not occur in front of the voiced consonants, where another allophone of the / s / - [z] [5] spoke. By the sounds r , u , k , i , which determined the transition, this phonetic law is also called the “hand” rule.

As a result of the Pedersen's law, the phonetic system of the Proto-Slavic language was supplemented with the third back-lingual sound * х [6] .

The transition * s to * x took place in such grammatical forms as local. n. mn h. -u-bases, -i-bases, -o-bases, genus. n. and loc. n. mn h. demonstrative pronouns , as well as forms of the aorist of some verbs .

Transition Phases

Already H. Pedersen suggested that this change went in two stages: * s > * š ( ʃ )> * x . Later, he was supported by other scientists, for example, A. Meie , A. M. Selishchev [7] , A. N. Savchenko [8] . A. Meie even suggested that the pre-Slavic language inherited "Eastern" (that is, East Indo-European) * š , changing it in * x before vowels of the front row, but retaining before the vowels of the front row, that is, by analogy with the alternations * k / * č and * g / * ž . Thus, Meye puts here the generally accepted chronology upside down, recognizing the primary character of š in Art. bysh and oushi and secondary x to ' bykh and ouho [9] . Yu. V. Shevelev considers this hypothesis to be extremely unlikely, since in the history of the Pro-Slavic language there are known changes in velar to palatal, but not vice versa [10] .

The typological parallel to the possible change * š > * x represents a similar change in the history of the Spanish language [11] .

S. B. Bernstein advocates a direct transition, pointing out that science knows cases of the direct transition of dental consonants into the posterior-lingual [12] .

Articulation conditionality of transition

Some scientists point out that between sounds * u , * i , * r , on the one hand, and * k , on the other, there is no phonetic similarity, and suggest to see here two different changes or two stages of one change [4] [13 ] .

Examples

 
Sound * s is the only Late Pindo -European graduate student [10]
  • great-ie * teisos > * teixos “straight, smooth”> pre-alloy . * tix > art. quiet rus tikhiy Wed lit. teisùs “just,” tiesùs “simple, honest, open” [14] [15] ;
  • great-ie * pers- "splatter"> * porxos > pre-alloy . * porx "dust, small particles"> St. ‑ glory. dust , rus. pork Wed dr. scand. fors "waterfall" [16] [17] ;
  • great-ie * wṛsus > * wirxus > praslav. * vrx > Art. vrh , Rus top Wed lit. viršùs , dr.-ind. वर्ष्मा ( varṣmā IAST ) “height, top, magnitude” [18] [19] ;
  • great-ie * saṷsos > * soṷxos > praslav. * sux > rus. dry Wed lit. saũsas , Latvian. sàuss , dr. αὖος , dr.-ind. शुष्कः ( śúşkaḥ IAST ) “dry” [20] [21] ;
  • great-ie * leik w sos > * leikxos > praslav. lix (j) > Art. Lih "excessive, excessive", Rus. craven . Cp. dr.-greek λείψανον "remainder" [22] .

Timeline

 
Sound š - possible transition stage s to x

Absolute chronology

The transition * s to * x was realized in the early Proto-Slavic language [23] [24] .

Yu. V. Shevelev dates the transition * s in * x VI - V centuries BC. er [25] . By the middle of the 1st millennium BC. er This process includes A. Lamprecht [26] .

Relative chronology

The transition from * s to * x occurred before the completion of the catemization process. This is evidenced by the opposition * pьsati to "write": * pхxati "to shove." In the word * psati s (<* k̂) is in a position that meets the conditions of the transition in x , the fact that this transition did not take place means that at the time of its operation there was another sound in place s [27] [28] .

R. Matasovich , on the contrary, believes that the effect of Pedersen's law occurred after satemization, since his reflexes are not observed in such words as Art. axis , lit. ašìs < pra-i.e. * h 2 ek̂sis "axis" and Art. ‑ Glory . Desh < great-i. * dek̂sinos "right" [29] .

Also, Pedersen's law acted before such Slavic phonetic processes as monophthongization of diphthongs , palatalization of the posterior-lingual and simplification of groups of consonants according to the law of open syllable [1] .

The transition action * s> * x ended before the Slavic-German contacts. This is indicated by two facts [30] :

  1. Proto-Slavic Germanisms, in which there are conditions for the transition, do not reflect it. For example, praslav. * userędz " earring " < Goth. * ausihriggs "earring", praslav. * cěsar''zar "< Gothic. kaisar < lat caesar caesar .
  2. The Germanic h is stably transmitted by the Slavic x , which would have been impossible if x had not already functioned in Proto-Slavic as a full-fledged phoneme. For example, praslav. * xyz ( art. Slav. Chyzhina , Russian. Hut ) < pragherm. * hūs , * xúlm " hill " < pragherm. * hulma- , * šata / * šat “clothing, cover” ( Polish szata ) < pragm. * hētaz .

Other sources of sound * x in Proto-Slavic language

 
Sound x , resulting from the Pedersen law in the Proto-Slavic language

Pedersen's law was not the only source of sound in the Proto-Slavic language. This sound could also appear:

  • From the initial combination of s-mobile with the initial ringing back language [31] .
  • As a result of the analogy [32] [33] [34] [28]
    • with prefix formations: * xoditi "walk" as * prixodoti "come";
    • with other types of declension: * ženax "women" as * syn " x " sons "and * gostx " away ";
    • or conjugations * nesox “I brought” as * rěx “I said”; * bereši "you take" as * vidiši "you see";
  • In borrowing . For example, praslav. * xlěb “ bread ” < Goth. hlaifs [35] , praslav. * xlěvъ "crib" < Got. hlaiw "tomb, cave" [36] ;
  • In some cases, * x appeared in onomatopoeic and expressive words. For example, in * xoxotati "laugh", * xürkati "wheeze, cough", etc. [37] .

For a while, scientists believed that praslav. * x could also arise from the great-ie. * k h , but after it was proved that there was no deaf aspirate in Proto-Indo-European , this thought was abandoned [38] .

Baltic languages

In the Baltic languages, according to the Pedersen law, * s passed into * š , however in Lithuanian there are examples without transition in the position after * u and * i (the data of the Latvian and Old Prussian languages ​​are not indicative, since š passed back to s ) [39] :

  • lit. mаĩ š аs “bag” at st. mѣ x ъ "fur", dr.-ind. me ṣ áḥ ( मेषः IAST ) ram, avest. maa š a- “sheep”, dr. scand. mei s s "wicker basket";
  • lit. jū́ š ė “fish soup, brew” with dr.-rus. oh x a , dr.-ind. यूषः ( yū ṣ aḥ IAST ) “decoction, broth”, lat. iūs "soup, soup";

but

  • lit. pai s ýti "to crush flax" with dr. Rus. pi x ati pi pi x ati ;
  • lit. au s ìs ear for art. oh x o .

J. Otrembsky believed that in Lithuanian š passed back to s in the position after u and i . The same š , which is recorded in Lithuanian words after u and i , in the opinion of the Polish scientist, goes back to * šj [40] . S. B. Bernstein considered this explanation far-fetched and biased [41] .

According to S. Caralünas, after * u and * i, the sound * s passed into * š in Prabaltic in a position not in front of the sonant and only when these two sounds belonged to the same morpheme [42] [43] [39] .

Indo-Iranian languages

In Praindo-Aryan *, s passed into cerebral ṣ in position after ī, i, i̯, ū, u, u̯, r, k, k̂ (which, in combination with ṣ, lost palatal articulation and coincided with primordial k ), including in position before closing, but not before r or r̥ [44] :

  • dr.ind अक्षः ( ákṣaḥ IAST ) "axis". Wed Art. axis lat axis , dr. ἄξων , lit. the ašìs "axis";
  • dr.ind क्षुद्रः ( kṣudráḥ IAST ) "small". Wed Art. Hood "thin";
  • dr.ind वर्ष्मा ( varṣmā IAST ) "height, top, magnitude". Wed Art. vrh , Rus top lit. viršùs ;
  • dr.ind शुष्कः ( śúṣkaḥ IAST ) "dry." Wed rus dry , lit. saũsas , Latvian. sàuss , dr. αὖος "dry";
  • dr.ind विषम् ( viṣám IAST ) "poison". Wed lat vīrus , dr.-gk. ἰός "poison";
  • dr.ind तिस्रः ( tisráḥ IAST ) “three” ( female ). Wed avest. tišrō "three" (well. p.).

Unlike the Slavic languages, in Indo-Aryan, the following * s explosive did not prevent change: praslav. * pěstъ (<* poi̯stos) " pest " in the other ind. पिष्टः ( piṣṭáḥ IAST ) “ground” [4] .

In Pranuristan, s passed into š after ī, i, i̯, r, k, k̂, but not after ū, u, u̯ [45] .

In Iranian, s > š after ī, i, i̯, ū, u, u̯, r, k, k̂ [45] .

It is also important that in the Indo-Iranian languages, s changed after i < * ə and r <* l [45] .

Albanian Language

In the Albanian language there is a transition * s> * š after * ī, * i, * i̯, * ū, * u, * u̯ [46] :

  • p.-alb. * dausa > * dauša > alb. dash "ram". Wed Gothic dius "beast", lit. daũsos "air", praslav. * dux "spirit";
  • p.-alb. * laisa > * laiša > alb. lesh "wool, hair." Wed lit. laĩškas "sheet", praslav. * list "list".

Armenian language

In Armenian, * s between vowels goes into * h and disappears, so here we encounter only traces of pronunciation š after * k [47] .

General change or number of independent?

There are three points of view on whether Pedersen's law is a general change in Satem languages ​​or it has already passed in separate languages ​​independently [48] :

  • Pedersen’s law was already implemented in separate languages ​​independently. This is supported by the fact that the conditions for the flow of this phonetic change are somewhat different in different languages.
  • This is a general innovation of satem languages, the center of which lies in the Indo-Iranian dialects (for example, the British Indologist T. Barrow considered it unlikely that this change occurred in different Indo-European languages ​​independently [49] ), or, as the Dutch linguist R. Bekes , this phonetic change has already been realized in the dialects of the proto-language, but its results have been phonologized in separate languages [50] .
  • The general results and conditions of the flow of Pedersen's law in various languages ​​are caused by their contacting with each other during the course of this phonetic change.

Notes

  1. ↑ 1 2 Zhuravlyov V. K. Pedersen's law // Linguistic Encyclopedic Dictionary . - 1990. - p . 369 . - ISBN 5-85270-031-2 .
  2. ↑ Collinge NE The Laws of Indo-European. - Amsterdam - Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1985. - P. 143.
  3. ↑ Chekman V. N. The most ancient Balto-Slavic-Indo-Iranian isoglossa (* s ik > * š) // Balto-Slavic studies. 1980. - 1981. - p . 27 .
  4. 2 1 2 3 Shevelov GY A Prehistory of Slavic. - Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. - Heidelberg, 1964. - p. 128.
  5. ↑ Bernstein S. B. Sketch of the comparative grammar of Slavic languages . - M .: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR , 1961. - p. 162. - 350 p.
  6. ↑ Bernstein S. B. Comparative grammar of Slavic languages. - Publishing House of Moscow University, Publishing House "Science". - M. , 2005. - p. 165.
  7. ↑ Selischev A. M. Old Slavonic language. - Moscow University Press, Science. - M. , 2006. - p. 165. - ISBN 5-211-06129-2 .
  8. ↑ Savchenko A. N. Comparative grammar of Indo-European languages. - URSS. - M. , 2003. - p. 116.
  9. ↑ Meie A. Common Slavonic. - Publishing foreign literature. - M. , 1951. - pp. 29-30.
  10. 2 1 2 Shevelov GY A Prehistory of Slavic. - Carl Winter, Universitätsverlag. - Heidelberg, 1964. - P. 127.
  11. ↑ Vaillant A. Grammaire comparée des langues slaves, I. - Lyon-Paris, 1950. - p. 28.
  12. ↑ Bernstein S. B. Comparative grammar of Slavic languages. - Publishing House of Moscow University, Publishing House "Science". - M. , 2005. - p. 162.
  13. ↑ M. V. Panov. On the causes of phonetic changes // The influence of social factors on the functioning and development of language. - 1988. - pp . 53-54 .
  14. ↑ Fasmer M. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language . - Progress. - M. , 1964-1973. - Vol. 4. - p. 63.
  15. ↑ Boryś W. Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego. - Wydawnictwo Literackie. - Kraków, 2005. - p. 78. - ISBN 978-83-08-04191-8 .
  16. ↑ Fasmer M. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language . - Progress. - M. , 1964-1973. - Vol. 3. - pp. 332-333.
  17. ↑ Boryś W. Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego. - Wydawnictwo Literackie. - Kraków, 2005. - p. 483. - ISBN 978-83-08-04191-8 .
  18. ↑ Fasmer M. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language . - Progress. - M. , 1964-1973. - T. 1. - p. 301-302.
  19. ↑ Boryś W. Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego. - Wydawnictwo Literackie. - Kraków, 2005. - p. 695. - ISBN 978-83-08-04191-8 .
  20. ↑ Fasmer M. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language . - Progress. - M. , 1964-1973. - T. 3. - p. 813.
  21. ↑ Boryś W. Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego. - Wydawnictwo Literackie. - Kraków, 2005. - p. 586. - ISBN 978-83-08-04191-8 .
  22. ↑ Etymological dictionary of Slavic languages. - M .: Science, 1988. - T. 15. - p. 89-91, 99-102.
  23. ↑ Maslova V. А. The origins of pre-Slavic phonology. - M .: Progress-Tradition, 2004. - P. 196. - ISBN 5-89826-201-6 .
  24. ↑ Galinska E. A. Historical phonetics of the Russian language. - Publishing House of Moscow University, Publishing House "Science". - M. , 2004. - p. 19. - ISBN 5-211-04969-1 .
  25. Velo Shevelov GY A Prehistory of Slavic. - Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. - Heidelberg, 1964. - P. 633.
  26. Re Lamprecht A. Praslovanština a její chronologické členění // Československé přednášky pro VIII. mezinárodní sjezd slavistů. - 1978. - p . 143 .
  27. ↑ Selischev A. M. Old Slavonic language. - Moscow University Press, Science. - M. , 2006. - p. 168. - ISBN 5-211-06129-2 .
  28. ↑ 1 2 Moszyński L. Wstęp do filologii słowiańskiej. - Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe. - Warszawa, 2006. - p. 228. - ISBN 83-01-14720-2 .
  29. As Matasović R. Towards a chronology of Baltic sound and Slavic sound changes // Baltistica. - 2005. - T. XL , № 2 . - P. 149.
  30. Velo Shevelov GY A Prehistory of Slavic. - Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. - Heidelberg, 1964. - P. 137.
  31. ↑ Illich-Svitych V.M. One of the sources of the initial x- in Slavonic (Amendment to the “Siebs law”) // Questions of linguistics. - 1961. - № 4 . - p . 93-98 .
  32. ↑ Meie A. Common Slavonic. - M .: Foreign Literature Publishing House , 1951. - P. 28-29.
  33. Velo Shevelov GY A Prehistory of Slavic. - Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. - Heidelberg, 1964. - P. 131-132.
  34. ↑ Bernstein S. B. Comparative grammar of Slavic languages. - Publishing House of Moscow University, Publishing House "Science". - M. , 2005. - P. 163-164.
  35. ↑ Etymological dictionary of Slavic languages. - M .: Science, 1981. - T. 8. - p. 27-28.
  36. ↑ Etymological dictionary of Slavic languages. - M .: Science, 1981. - T. 8. - p. 30-31.
  37. ↑ Selischev A. M. Old Slavonic language. - Moscow University Press, Science. - M. , 2006. - P. 169. - ISBN 5-211-06129-2 .
  38. ↑ Bernstein S. B. Comparative grammar of Slavic languages. - Publishing House of Moscow University, Publishing House "Science". - M. , 2005. - p. 164.
  39. ↑ 1 2 Dini P. Baltic languages. - M .: OGI, 2002. - p. 95. - ISBN 5-94282-046-5 .
  40. ↑ Otrembsky Ya. Slavic-Baltic Linguistic Unity // Questions of linguistics. - 1954. - № 5 . - p . 32-34 .
  41. ↑ Bernstein S. B. Comparative grammar of Slavic languages. - Publishing House of Moscow University, Publishing House "Science". - M. , 2005. - p. 161.
  42. ↑ Karalyunas S. On the issue of I.-e. * s after i, u in Lithuanian // Baltistica. - 1966. - T. I , No. 2 . - S. 113-126 .
  43. ↑ Hamp EP On IE * s after i, u in Baltic // Baltistica. - 1967. - V. III , № 1 . - P. 7.
  44. ↑ Barrow T. Sanskrit. - Progress. - 1976. - pp. 77-78.
  45. ↑ 1 2 3 Edelman D. I. Iranian and Slavic Languages: Historical Relations. - Oriental literature. - 2002. - p. 30.
  46. ↑ Orel V. A concise history of the Albanian language: reconstruction of Proto-Albanian. - Brill. - 2000. - P. 62.
  47. ↑ Meye A. Introduction to the comparative study of Indo-European languages. - Publisher LKI. - 2007. - p. 122.
  48. ↑ Chekman V. N. The most ancient Balto-Slavic-Indo-Iranian isoglossa (* s ik > * š) // Balto-Slavic studies. 1980. - 1981. - pp . 30-31 .
  49. ↑ Barrow T. Sanskrit. - Progress. - M. , 1976. - p. 78.
  50. ↑ Beekes RSP Comparative Indo-European linguistics: an introduction. - Amsterdam - Philadelphia: John Benjamin's Publishing Company, 2011. - P. 126-127.

Literature

  • Bernstein S. B. Sketch of the comparative grammar of Slavic languages. - Moscow: Moscow University Press: Science, 2005. - P. 160-165.
  • Karalunas S. On the issue of I.-e. * s after i, u in Lithuanian. // Baltistica, I (2). - S. 113-126.
  • Maslova V. А. The origins of pre-Slavic phonology. - M .: Progress-Tradition, 2004. - P. 196-225.
  • Meie, A. Slavic Language. - M .: Publishing house of foreign literature, 1951. - p. 26-30.
  • Selishchev A. M. Old Slavonic language. - Moscow: Moscow University Press: Science, 2006. - p. 165-170.
  • Chekman V.N. The most ancient Balto-Slavic-Indo-Iranian isoglossa (* s ik > * š). // Balto-Slavic studies. 1980. - M .: Science, 1981. - P. 27—37.
  • Collinge NE The Laws of Indo-European. - Amsterdam / Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1985. - P. 143-145.
  • Hamp EP On IE * s after i, u in Baltic. // Baltistica, III (1). - P. 7-11.
  • Shevelov GY A Prehistory of Slavic. - Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1964. - P. 127-137.

Links

  • Charles Prescott. " Germanic and the Ruki Dialects "
Source - https://ru.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Pederson Law&oldid = 97644731


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