Risorgimento

At first, the word was used by analogy with Il Rinascimento ( Renaissance Epoch ) and was used exclusively in the cultural and literary context. And only later, through Vittorio Alfieri ( 1749 - 1803 ), did its importance gradually expand towards the supposed unification of Italy politically, culturally and nationally.

The Risorgimento ideological background is very diverse: it is enlightenment , and liberal ideas, romantic-nationalist, republican, socialist or anticlerical , secular and ecclesiastical. The expansionist ambitions of the House of Savoy were combined with anti-Austrian sentiment.

A significant role was played by the national idea. It was rather peculiar: Franco Valsecchi, in his work on the Risorgimento in the context of European nationalism, sees at the heart of Italian nationalism some primary concepts: idealistic — Mazzini , religious — Joberti , rationalistic — Cattaneo , realistic — Durando. All of them formed the basis for the development of the Romanosi, who combined the national idea and the principle of legitimacy, having developed the concept of the Ethnicarchy . For him, a nation is a population to which nature sets a certain geographical and spiritual unity. Thus, together with Mancini, who in his lectures emphasized the immortality of the national state based on the immortal idea of ​​the nation, they formed the idea of ​​legal fragmentation of Italy as a purely temporary phenomenon, while in reality the present state is national.

“We created Italy, now we need to create an Italian” ( Massimo D'Adzello ).

In the middle of the XIX century for Italy began the period of its history, known as the era of the Risorgimento (Renaissance), the very name of which reflected the connection of the Italian national movement with the preceding history. It was a complex process, which included both political and territorial, as well as social and political aspects, a process that ultimately led to the emergence of a unified national state not only independent, but also modern, bourgeois.

In the 30s-50s of the 19th century, Italy was economically backward and politically fragmented, burdened by many feudal remnants of an agrarian country. Its industry weakened, squeezed by the framework of small states fenced from each other by the political and customs borders, and only in the 1840s - and only then in the most economically developed areas of northern Italy - did it enter the stage of an industrial revolution . In agriculture, feudal remnants were strong. The Italian bourgeois, intensively investing their capital in agriculture, were exploited by the same semi-feudal methods as the landowners — the nobles, who had been landless and turned into poor peasants-farm workers and farm laborers.

Spanish domination, which was preceded by the French, albeit short-lived (it was consolidated by the peace between Spain and France signed in Kato-Cambresis in 1559) was replaced by the Austrian as a result of the war for the Spanish inheritance and in accordance with the Treaty of Utrecht and Rashtadt peace treaties of 1713-1714 . However, after the war for the Polish and Austrian inheritance (the Vienna Treaty of 1738 and Aachen - 1748), only the Milan region continued to be directly owned by Austria.

All this time, the Piedmontese state formed from a number of feuds belonging to the House of Savoy was in a special position. At the end of the war for the Spanish inheritance, it became a kingdom, significantly expanded its territory by joining the adjacent lands, as well as Sicily. The latter, in accordance with the Hague Peace Treaty of 1720, after the unsuccessful attempt of Spain to restore its domination in Italy, was forcibly exchanged for Sardinia. The state of Savoy became known as the Sardinian kingdom .

In the Kingdom of Neapolitan, or as it was also called, the Kingdom of both Sicilies , thanks to the Austrian armed intervention, the power of the Bourbons was restored, completely dependent on Austria due to the agreement on a permanent defensive alliance.

So, again, as in the course of almost three centuries, the fate of Italy was determined by the decisions of the great powers, according to which the Austrian rule was fixed in most of the states on the Peninsula .

In the late 1840s, the socio-political crisis continued to grow in Italy. The exacerbation of the social issue was associated with the development of the initial accumulation of capital and the disintegration of the social structures of feudalism. Pauperism became an integral feature of the social image of the villages and cities of Italy, but for the most part the social question was peasant and suggested fundamental changes in the sphere of land tenure and land use.

The pace of development of industrialization was low and held back by the political fragmentation of the country, but they lagged behind the pace of proletarianization of the population. Italy needed diverse reforms.

1. Papal States . From 1846, under the leadership of the new Pope Pius IX (1846-1878), the reform movement became a reality: a government commission was set up to study the political problems of the Papal State and, at its recommendation, a political amnesty was held. The reforms of Pius IX destroyed the spiritual isolation of the Papal States and other Italian states, tough bans on printing and assemblies were eliminated. The Pope intended to start railway construction in the Papal States, formed the Council of Ministers, came up with the idea of ​​creating a single customs union for Italy. The reforms of Pius IX caused serious concern to the Viennese court. Austrian troops occupied Ferrara, which was in close proximity to the Papal States. In response, Pius IX sent Swiss units to his borders, which aroused the approval of broad patriotic strata.
2. Piedmontese and Tuscan regions. In the same years, the national rise began in Piedmont. Most of the rulers (the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Neapolitan king, the lords of Parma and Modena ) persisted in their commitment to absolutism. But they gradually began to lose ground. In the fall of 1847, the Tuscan duke Leopold agreed to the creation of a civil guard, the introduction of press freedom, and recognized the powers of the deliberative body under the Tuscan government. The events in Tuscany influenced the liberalization of the situation in Parma, Modena and Lucca . Soon the Duke of Lucca for money compensation abandoned his possessions in favor of Tuscany. In October 1847, the long-awaited reforms in Piedmont followed: the introduction of public proceedings, the restriction of censorship and police brutality, the creation of local governments. From the end of 1847 to the end of March 1848, the situation became even more complex: the struggle for reforms began to grow into a revolutionary movement.
3. Neapolitan kingdom . The revolution began on January 12 in Sicily . The main demands of the rebels were the restoration of the Constitution of 1812 and the separation from the Neapolitan kingdom. But in the kingdom of Naples this uprising was supported. On January 27, 1848, King Ferdinand II agreed to the introduction of the Constitution in the whole kingdom, limited censorship, held a political amnesty, and put a Caronarius Budzelli at the head of the new cabinet and recognized partial autonomy of Sicily.

In March - April 1848 the Constitution was adopted in Tuscany, Piedmont, Papal States. However, public peace did not come. The revolution in Vienna and the flight of Metternich became the impetus for the start of the revolutionary events in the Lombardo-Venetian region .

March 23 was proclaimed the Republic of Venice (Republic of St. Mark), led by Daniela Manin (1804-1857). In March, Milan was barricaded, and the multi-thousand-strong corps, led by Austrian General Joseph Radetzky, left the city. Austrian troops were driven out of Parma and Modena. Under these conditions, the king of Piedmont, Carl Albert, offered his assistance to Lombardy and Venice in the name of the country's national liberation. Carl Albert wanted to realize the idea of ​​creating the North Italian kingdom.

This was the beginning of hostilities against Austria, which went down in history as the first War of Independence . Apart from the army of Piedmont, regular troops of the Papal States, the Kingdom of Neapolitan, detachments of patriots of Tuscany, Lombardy, Venice took part in military actions against the Austrians. The Italian states united in a single liberation struggle, and this became the highest point in the development of neoghelfism . But the political differences of the Italian rulers, the forcing of the process of unification around Piedmont by the Savoy dynasty, did not make it possible to consolidate success.

On April 29, the Pope declared himself neutral and withdrew his troops. The position of Rome should be interpreted as the reluctance of the pontiff to complicate relations with Austria, where by that time Josephism was beginning to decline, and rapprochement with Rome began. Almost immediately the Neapolitan king Ferdinand II led his troops. The actions of Pius IX soon led to the downfall of neoghelfism. A favorable moment for the defeat of the Austrian troops was lost.

On July 22, the troops of Piedmont suffered a serious defeat at Custozza, and then was surrendered to Milan. August 8, Carl Albert signed a truce. Austrian rule in Lombardy and the Venetian region was restored, the patriotic camp lost its unity and right-wing and left-wing radicalism intensified.

In the Kingdom of Naples in May 1848, the parliament that had not yet begun to work was dispersed. From September 1848 to May 1849, the Sicilian uprising was suppressed. Ferdinand II bombarded the Sicilian city of Messina and received the nickname King-bomb for this.

In November 1848, a revolution began in the Papal State . The Pope fled, and a republic was proclaimed in Rome under the leadership of Giuseppe Mazzini .

In Tuscany in February 1849, an uprising broke out, Leopold II was removed from power and a republic was established. In such conditions, a new phase of the Piedmont war against the Austrian troops began. This stage lasted only a few days.

March 23 at the battle of Novara Piedmont troops suffered a crushing defeat. Carl Albert, fearing that the Sardinian kingdom would now be overwhelmed by the Republican movement, abdicated the throne in favor of his son Victor Emmanuel II . Given the current situation and not wanting to allow a further decline in the prestige of the monarchy, the new king sanctioned the Constitution and the functioning of parliament. In April, the liberal and democratic forces in Tuscany were defeated, and the throne was returned to Duke Leopold, and the Dukes of Parma and Modena returned to their thrones.

The Pope, seeking to crush the Roman Republic more quickly, turned to France for help. The French General Oudinot began fighting with the armed forces of Giuseppe Garibaldi , who defended Rome. On July 3, 1849, the republic fell, republican institutions ceased to exist, and its leaders were forced to emigrate. On August 22, Venice stopped resisting.

The revolution of 1848-1849 was an important stage of the Risorgimento, but it was defeated. In its course, the collapse of neoghelfism and constitutional regimes in all Italian states except Piedmont occurred, and the stubborn rivalry between liberal and democratic forces in the struggle for leading positions was manifested, although their convergence was already evident in determining the main goal for Italy. Preserving the Constitution and Parliament in Piedmont is the only positive result of this revolution.

The suppression of the revolution of 1848–49 in Italy, which was still fragmented, was followed by a severe intensification of the reaction. In all states (except the Sardinian kingdom) absolutist orders were restored; the constitutions adopted in 1848 in Tuscany, Naples and the Papal State were eliminated. Violent repression attacked the opponents of Austrian rule, many people were subjected to police persecution. Intimidation and despotic arbitrariness became the main methods of controlling absolute monarchies, which successfully controlled the army and the police. Ferdinand II, especially nicknamed “King of the Bomb”, was especially rampant in Naples for the cruel reprisals against the participants of the revolution of 1848-1849 in Sicily. In the papal possessions of the clergy again reigned, the influence of the Jesuits increased.

Austria, successfully resisting attempts to expand civil liberties in the Apennine Peninsula, subdued Lombardy and Venice to a harsh military regime, Austrian troops until 1855 occupied Tuscany and remained indefinitely in Romagna, one of the papal provinces. The pope also insisted that the French troops did not leave Rome. Glorified in 1847–48 as the “spiritual leader” of the national movement, Pius IX has now become his opponent. Absolutist regimes did not intend to carry out the reforms needed by the economy. Their economic policy was one of the reasons for the stagnation or very slow economic development of most Italian states in the 1850s.

Against this background, the position in the Sardinian kingdom (Piedmont) looked like a favorable contrast. It was the only Italian state in which the constitutional order survived. Attempts by a local reaction, as well as by Austria, to achieve its abolition failed. In the 1850s, the constitutional parliamentary order was gradually strengthened to a large extent due to the activities of the head of the moderate liberals of Piedmont, Count Camillo Cavour .

Coming from the aristocratic environment, Cavour became the personification of the Piedmontese bourgeoisie nobility. Having rebuilt his estate on a capitalist basis, he developed agricultural trade and at the same time actively participated in banking, commercial, industrial undertakings, and in railway construction. A supporter of the liberal-bourgeois system, Cavour considered that accelerated growth of the capitalist economy, stimulated by free trade policies and the active development of transport and banks, was a prerequisite for its approval. Having become prime minister in 1850, Cavour energetically embarked on such a policy. The Piedmontese government concluded trade agreements with leading states, reduced customs tariffs, promoted the construction of railways, highways and canals; The financial system and credit were strengthened. These measures contributed to the capitalist development of agriculture, which still remained the basis of the economy of Piedmont, and intensified industry.

Its main industry was textile (especially cotton) production. The revival also affected metallurgy and mechanical engineering, in which the number of people employed by the beginning of the 1860s (10,000 people) increased 6–7 times as compared with the 1840s. Sharply increased foreign trade, in particular the import of coal, iron, rails, cars. In 1859, the length of railways in Piedmont exceeded 900 km (versus 8 km in 1848), which was about half the length of railways in all of Italy. Thus, in the 1850s, Piedmont began to develop much faster than most Italian states. At the same time, in political terms, the consolidation of the liberal forces of Piedmont took place thanks to the conclusion in parliament of an alliance between moderate liberals led by Cavour and left-wing liberals, behind whom stood the agrarian and commercial bourgeoisie.

Ещё в 1830-е годы Кавур пришел к убеждению о необходимости «скорейшего освобождения итальянцев от угнетающих их варваров» (то есть австрийцев). Однако он полностью отвергал путь народной революционной борьбы за независимость, а создание единой Италии казалось ему делом столь отдаленного и туманного будущего, что ещё в 1856 году он считал призывы к объединению страны «глупостью». Реальную цель Кавур усматривал в изгнании австрийцев из Ломбардии и Венеции и включении их, а также Пармы и Модены в состав Сардинского королевства. Поскольку оно не имело достаточно сил, чтобы бороться один на один с Австрией, Кавур хотел опереться на мощного союзника, который помог бы вытеснить австрийцев из Италии. Такими потенциальными союзниками Кавур считал Францию и Англию. Под давлением этих держав Пьемонт в 1855 году вступил в войну с Россией и направил в Крым 18-тысячный корпус. Кавур надеялся, что это приведет к сближению Франции и Англии с Пьемонтом. По окончании Крымской войны Кавуру удалось добиться включения в повестку дня Парижского мирного конгресса 1856 года итальянского вопроса. Его обсуждение оказалось практически безрезультатным, но сам факт, что Пьемонт открыто выступил в защиту итальянских национальных интересов, произвел большое впечатление на общественное мнение в Италии.

Поражение революции вызвало значительные сдвиги в двух основных направлениях национально-освободительного движения. Хотя демократы достигли на заключительном этапе революции большого успеха, решить её основные задачи им так и не удалось. Сразу же после окончания революции в республиканском лагере началось обсуждение причин её поражения. Некоторые демократы пришли к выводу, что отсутствие у республиканцев программы глубоких социальных преобразований, в частности наделения крестьян землей, явилось главной причиной недостаточно широкого участия народа в революции и, следовательно, её поражения. Один из военных руководителей Римской республики 1849 году — социалист-утопист Карло Пизакане (1818—1857) видел решение аграрного вопроса в Италии в ликвидации крупного землевладения, обобществлении всей земли и передаче её крестьянству. К. Пизакане, Д. Монтанелли, Д. Феррари и другие радикально настроенные демократы доказывали, что национальное движение должно сочетаться с социальным переустройством, отвечающим интересам народных масс и потому способным привлечь их к освободительной борьбе. С таких позиций они подвергли Мадзини резкой критике и даже намеревались оттеснить его от руководства республиканским лагерем. Но их попытка не увенчалась успехом, так как большинство демократов отвергали идею крестьянской революции из опасений за судьбу земельной собственности, принадлежавшей массе сельской и городской буржуазии.

Сам Мадзини не прислушался к этой критике. Он по-прежнему был убежден, что итальянская революция должна разрешить только национальную проблему и что народ готов в любую минуту подняться на борьбу. Поэтому Мадзини с удвоенной энергией занялся восстановлением подпольной революционной сети, организацией заговоров и подготовкой восстаний. В ходе этой деятельности мадзинистам удалось опереться на первые рабочие общества в северной Италии — в Ломбардии и Лигурии. Однако попытка поднять восстание в Милане в феврале 1853 года закончилась полной неудачей, несмотря на исключительную отвагу, проявленную ремесленниками и рабочими в схватке с австрийскими войсками. Этот провал вызвал глубокий кризис в республиканском лагере.

Подпольные организации стали раскалываться, многие демократы порвали с Мадзини, обвинив его в напрасных жертвах. Тогда Мадзини провозгласил в 1855 году создание «Партии действия», призванной объединить всех тех, кто готов был любой ценой вести революционную борьбу за освобождение. И все же раскол среди демократов углублялся. Часть из них пошла на сближение с пьемонтскими умеренными либералами в связи с тем, что упрочение буржуазно-либеральных порядков в Пьемонте (который к тому же стал прибежищем десятков тысяч патриотов, бежавших сюда из других итальянских государств после подавления революции) возродило надежду на превращение Сардинского королевства в опору национального движения.

Выразителем такой ориентации на Пьемонт стал руководитель венецианской революции 1848—1849 годов Д. Манин. В 1855—1856 годах он призвал демократов принести «жертву»: отречься от революционно-республиканской программы, порвать с Мадзини и всецело поддержать монархический Пьемонт как единственную силу, способную привести Италию к независимости и объединению. Манин предложил также создать «национальную партию», в которой сплотились бы ради объединения страны как демократы, отвергшие республиканизм, так и либералы-монархисты. Призыв Манина получил значительный отклик среди патриотов различных политических взглядов, включая демократов, отошедших от Мадзини. Благожелательно отнесся к нему и Кавур. С его согласия в 1857 году в Пьемонте стало действовать «Итальянское национальное общество» , лозунгом которого было объединение Италии во главе с Савойской династией. Руководители общества предложили войти в его состав Гарибальди, имея в виду использовать популярность народного героя для привлечения на свою сторону демократических кругов. Гарибальди занял пост вице-председателя общества, но сохранил свои республиканские убеждения.

Формально «Национальное общество» было независимой организацией, на деле же оно являлось политическим орудием в руках пьемонтских умеренных либералов во главе с Кавуром. Отделения «Национального общества» нелегально создавались повсюду за пределами Пьемонта. Это было вызвано тем, что в Неаполитанском королевстве, Тоскане и других государствах полуострова влияние местных умеренных либералов упало после революции 1848—1849 годов, обнаружившей полное крушение их планов установить союз с монархами и вовлечь их в национальное движение. Либерально настроенные буржуазия и дворяне в этих государствах стали все более ориентироваться на Савойскую династию и склонялись к признанию руководящей политической роли пьемонтских либералов, которые таким образом оказались во главе умеренно-либерального направления в масштабах всей страны. В результате создания «Национального общества» движение за освобождение и объединение Италии на монархической основе — под главенством Савойской династии — вышло за рамки Сардинского королевства и приобрело общеитальянский характер.

Наиболее решительные демократы не желали смириться с переходом руководства национальным движением в руки либералов-монархистов. Ради того чтобы дать толчок революции, они готовы были на самопожертвование. В 1857 году Пизакане, действуя в контакте с Мадзини, высадился с группой единомышленников недалеко от Неаполя с целью поднять народное восстание. Отважная попытка кончилась гибелью Пизакане и многих его товарищей. Трагический исход этого предприятия усилил раскол в демократическом лагере, все больше его сторонников примыкало к «Национальному обществу». Инициатива оставалась в руках либералов-кавуристов. К концу 1850-х годов Пьемонт превратился в ведущую силу национально-освободительного движения.

Одной из задач внешней политики Наполеона III было вытеснение Австрии из Италии и утверждение в ней французского верховенства. Наполеон III приступил к реализации этой цели в связи с покушением, совершенным на него в 1858 году в Париже итальянским патриотом Орсини , активным участником обороны Римской республики 1849 года. Орсини надеялся, что устранение одного из душителей итальянской революции — Наполеона III, который военной силой поддерживал обветшалый папский режим, расчистит путь для подъёма освободительной борьбы. После казни Орсини Наполеон III решил выступить в роли «покровителя» итальянского национального движения, с тем чтобы нейтрализовать итальянских революционеров и одновременно утвердить французскую гегемонию в Италии.

По инициативе Наполеона III летом 1858 года на французском курорте Пломбьер состоялась его тайная встреча с Кавуром, во время которой были согласованы условия франко-пьемонтского военно-политического союза, оформленного в виде секретного договора в январе 1859 года. Он предусматривал освобождение Ломбардии и Венеции от австрийцев, присоединение этих областей к Пьемонту и создание таким путём Королевства Верхней Италии. Пьемонт обязался выставить 100 тысяч солдат, Франция — 200 тысяч. За эту помощь Наполеон III потребовал, чтобы Сардинское королевство передало Франции часть своей территории — Савойю и Ниццу — на том основании, что большинство населения этих провинций говорит по-французски. Кроме того, Наполеон III лелеял план создать в центре Италии, на базе Тосканы, королевство во главе со своим двоюродным братом, а на неаполитанский престол посадить также своего ставленника — сына Мюрата. Папе он отводил роль номинального главы будущей федерации четырёх итальянских государств. Таким образом по-прежнему раздробленная Италия оказалась бы связанной по рукам и ногам зависимостью от Франции. Кавур знал об этих планах Наполеона III, но надеялся, что события помешают их осуществлению.

После подписания договора союзники начали готовиться к войне с Австрией. В международном плане Наполеон III заручился обещанием России (раздраженной антирусской позицией Австрии в период Крымской войны) соблюдать в случае войны благожелательный нейтралитет и не препятствовать присоединению к Пьемонту Ломбардии и Венеции, находившихся под владычеством Австрии. В Пьемонт съехалось со всех концов Италии 20 тысяч добровольцев, желавших присоединиться к освободительному походу. Гарибальди согласился принять участие в войне в качестве генерала пьемонтской армии и возглавить 3-тысячный добровольческий корпус, в состав которого были включены многие участники героической обороны Рима и Венеции в 1849 году. Отношения с Австрией все более накалялись, и это привело 26 апреля 1859 года к началу войны.

Военные действия развивались успешно для союзных войск. После поражения австрийской армии у Мадженты (4 июня) ей пришлось уйти из Милана . 8 июня в него торжественно вступили Наполеон III и пьемонтский король Виктор Эммануил II . Союзники продолжали наступление, особенно быстро двигался корпус Гарибальди , отбивая у неприятеля город за городом. В конце июня французские и пьемонтские войска добились победы в упорных сражениях у Сольферино и Сан-Мартино . Военные поражения вынудили австрийскую армию оставить всю Ломбардию.

Война вызвала подъём национального движения в Центральной Италии. Началось брожение в Тоскане. Сторонники «Национального общества» возглавили большую патриотическую демонстрацию во Флоренции, к которой присоединились войска. Герцогу пришлось покинуть Тоскану. Было создано временное правительство с преобладанием умеренных либералов. В первой половине июня в обстановке народных волнений покинули свои владения правители Пармы и Модены, управление взяли на себя назначенные из Пьемонта губернаторы. Одновременно в Романье после ухода австрийских войск народ стал свергать папские власти и их место также заняли уполномоченные пьемонтского короля. Вскоре восстания охватили и другие провинции Папского государства.

The rise of the national movement in the center of Italy threatened to thwart the plan of Napoleon III to put on the throne of Tuscany his henchman. At the same time, the threat of Prussia’s support for Austria appeared. All this forced Napoleon III to cease hostilities. Without warning his ally, he concluded on July 11 in the town of Villafranca a truce with the Austrian emperor Franz Joseph. At their meeting, it was decided that Austria would give way to Lombardy to Napoleon III, and he would give it to Piedmont, the old rulers would return to Tuscany and Modena, the power of the pope would be restored in all his possessions, and Venice would remain in Austria’s hands.

The Villafranchsk truce caused an outrage in Italy. Cavour resigned. The patriotic forces were determined not to allow the return of the overthrown monarchs. The generals who arrived from Piedmont took command of the troops in Tuscany, Parma, Modena and Romagna. It became clear that it would not be possible to impose the old order or the protege of Napoleon III on the people of these regions without armed intervention, which neither Austria nor France dared to do. A pro-Sardinian state was formed on the territory of the dukedoms of Modena , Parma, and Tuscany, which became known as the United Provinces of Central Italy . The Provisional Government proposed a dictatorship to the Sardinian king, Victor Emmanuel II , who rejected this proposal, but agreed to take Tuscany during the war under his protection and appointed Boncompagni as his general commissioner. The latter formed a ministry, with Ricasoli at the head, and convened a council (consulate). The National Assembly voted unanimously to join the Kingdom of Sardinia . Under these conditions, Cavour, who returned to power in January 1860, went to hold plebiscites in Central Italy regarding the further fate of the liberated territories. The absolute majority of those who voted supported a merger of Tuscany, Parma, Modena and Romagna with the Sardinian kingdom. By decree of March 18, 1860, Parma and Piacenza were formally incorporated into the Sardinian kingdom. Following this decree March 22, 1860 announced the accession of Tuscany to the Sardinian kingdom. But at the same time, Savoie and Nice, in accordance with the agreement between Napoleon III and Victor Emmanuel, went over to France.

In the summer and autumn of 1859, when Cavour's policy came to a standstill, Mazzini began to call for revolutionary actions in the papal dominions (with the aim of liberating Rome) and in the Neapolitan kingdom. Among the Democratic Majinists, the idea was born of sending an armed detachment to Sicily to overthrow the Bourbons, who, after the bloody suppression of the revolution of 1849, were in political isolation. The long-accumulated hatred of most Sicilians for the royal authorities in April 1860 resulted in the Palermo uprising, prepared by the Democrats. Having failed in the city, it spread to rural areas, where peasant unrest began.

When news of the uprising reached Piedmont, the Sicilian revolutionaries who were here in exile turned to Garibaldi with a proposal to go at the head of an armed detachment to Sicily to help the rebels. Garibaldi agreed, warning that the slogan of the expedition would be the unification of Italy led by Victor Emmanuel, that is, the slogan of the "National Society".

In Genoa, the Democrats launched a feverish preparation. In order to equip volunteers who rushed into battle and put them on trial, they had to overcome the strong opposition of the moderates and Cavour, caught by the initiative of the Democrats, by surprise. He could not openly ban this patriotic undertaking for fear of discrediting himself in the eyes of members of the national movement. However, Cavour tried to thwart the expedition, creating various obstacles for her. The authorities refused to give the volunteers modern weapons acquired through patriotic donations. For the detachment Garibaldi managed to get only a thousand old, almost unsuitable guns. Despite all the obstacles, on the morning of May 6, more than a thousand people led by Garibaldi sailed on two ships from Genoa. The "Thousands" consisted of volunteers from all regions of Italy, many of whom were tempered in battles at the bastions of the Roman and Venetian republics in 1848-1849 and under the command of Garibaldi in 1859. Among the Garibaldians, about half were artisans and workers, many were in the detachment of intellectuals and small urban bourgeois.

On May 11, a detachment landed in Sicily. The legendary Garibaldi epic began. Garibaldi was faced with the most difficult task: having 1,100 fighters, prepare for the struggle against the 25-thousand royal army stationed on the island, led by experienced generals. Much depended on the outcome of the first battle. It took place at Calatafimi 4 days after the landing. The Garibaldians, dressed like their leader in red shirts, fiercely attacked the three-thousandth group of Bourbon troops with a furious bayonet attack. Then Garibaldi made a skillful hidden maneuver across the mountains, suddenly approached Palermo and rushed into it, along with 3 thousand armed peasants who had joined him. In Palermo, the uprising began. After 3 days of fierce fighting, the Bourbon commander was forced to conclude an armistice, and then left Palermo. Following this uprising swept many cities of Sicily.

Garibaldi’s hike coincided with a wide popular movement unfolding on the island. Peasants rose to the rear of the royal troops, facilitating the offensive Garibaldi. In the liberated areas, the new authorities, in order to attract the peasantry under the garibaldi banners, abolished taxes on grain milling and imported food, and promised a plot of communal or royal land to all who joined the liberation struggle. However, these measures proved insufficient to provide Garibaldi with strong support from the peasant masses. In the summer, a movement in the village, initially sharpened against the Bourbon authorities, began to escalate into a social struggle with landowners. The peasants and farm laborers wanted to reclaim those communal lands that had previously been seized by nobles and the bourgeoisie. Frightened landowners asked the Garibaldi government for help. In the face of class conflict in the countryside, the revolutionary bourgeois government defended property rights and sternly suppressed one of the main centers of the peasant movement, several of its active participants were shot. The national guard hastily created by landowners resorted to punitive measures. As a result, the initial enthusiasm of the rural masses, caused by the arrival of Garibaldi, weakened, the peasants withdrew from his army, replenished mainly by the citizens and the influx of volunteers from the north. Relying on them, Garibaldi freed Sicily and on August 19 landed on the mainland, in Calabria.

Garibaldi’s campaign revealed a deep crisis that had matured in the kingdom of Neapolitan. After the garibaldians smashed the barriers against them, the king’s soldiers began to surrender in their thousands. Organized resistance has ceased. Even before the landing of Garibaldi in the southern regions of the kingdom (especially in Calabria and Basilicata), uprisings of citizens and peasants began, which shook the Bourbon order and contributed to the demoralization of government troops. Seeing the powerlessness of the monarchy and fearing the expansion of popular uprisings, the landowners — the bourgeoisie and noblemen — used the onslaught of the lower classes and began to seize local power in their hands. The Bourbon regime collapsed, and this allowed Garibaldi with just a few comrades-in-arms, ahead of his army, to make a rapid rush to Naples. On the way, the population gave him a warm welcome. The king thought it best to get out of Naples to the fortress of Gaeta, where the troops loyal to him had gone. On September 7, 1860, on the twentieth day after the landing on the continent, Garibaldi entered the exultant Naples.

Now the revolutionary commander intended to go to Rome, and then free Venice. His army already numbered 50 thousand fighters, mostly volunteers from the northern and central regions of the country. Among them were many convinced Republicans. Leading Democrats, including Mazzini, gathered in Naples. Garibaldi wanted to postpone the accession of the South to Piedmont until the complete liberation of all Italian lands, and the Republicans hoped that this would allow them to strengthen their positions, convene a Constituent Assembly and give the emerging Italian state a more democratic character. However, the liberals tried to thwart the implementation of these plans of the Democrats. They feared that the further successes of the Garibaldi army would strengthen the revolutionary and republican forces in the country and threaten the existence of the Piedmont monarchy. In addition, Cavour believed that an attempt to eliminate the secular power of the pope would lead to foreign intervention (primarily Napoleon III) in Italian affairs.

The confrontation between the liberal monarchists and the democrats resulted in a sharp conflict between Cavour and Garibaldi. After the liberation of Sicily, Cavour admitted that "Garibaldi rendered Italy the greatest services that only a man can render to his homeland"; when Garibaldi refused to immediately annex Sicily to Piedmont, Cavour began to accuse him of having closed up with the "people of revolution" and "sowing disorder and anarchy on his way." In order to prevent the march of Garibaldi to Central Italy and the further strengthening of the democrats, Cavour, whom the Bourbon wreck gave courage and made him believe in the possibility of an early unification of Italy, decided to outstrip the Democrats and partially carry out the tasks put forward by them. He convinced Napoleon III of the need for quick action to prevent a revolution in the Papal State. With the consent of the French emperor, three days after Garibaldi entered Naples, the Piedmontese troops invaded papal possessions and occupied most of them - Marche and Umbria provinces. In October, after Garibaldi defeated the Bourbon troops near the Volturno, the Piedmontese army entered Neapolitan territory, blocking Garibaldi's way to Rome.

By this time, the situation in the Neapolitan countryside was complicated. Here, as in Sicily, the rural masses in their own way interpreted the arrival of Garibaldi and the overthrow of the Bourbon order: they considered that the long awaited hour had come to decide in their favor the question of land. Initially, these hopes were reinforced by Garibaldi’s decree on the free transfer to the peasants of Calabria of communal lands, on which the local bourgeoisie was committed. In different parts of the South, the peasants began to spontaneously divide communal lands, and there were also instances of an attempt on the master's possessions. The property classes of the village strongly opposed the transfer of communal lands to the peasants. On the expansion of the peasant movement, they responded with repression. The resulting bitterness of the rural masses found a way out in the massacre of the liberals and the national guard.

In such an environment, the possessing classes of the South began to demand the speedy merger of Naples with Piedmont, now seeing in the Savoy monarchy the only guarantor of their land ownership, which was threatened by the unfolding peasant movement. Relying on their support, the Kavourist liberals gained the upper hand in the struggle against the democrats. Garibaldi’s request to hand over to him for a year the supreme administration of Southern Italy was rejected by King Victor Emmanuel. Garibaldi’s dictatorship was abolished, the decrees issued by him were annulled, and his army was dissolved. Having abandoned all awards, Garibaldi went to Caprera, which belonged to him.

The Piedmont ruling circles tried to prevent the convocation of the All-Italian Constituent Assembly and to unite through a simple territorial expansion of the Sardinian kingdom, inviting the population of the liberated regions to vote for their accession to Piedmont. The Plebiscite, held on October 21 in the South of the country, approved the merger of Naples and Sicily with the Sardinian kingdom; in November, as a result of the plebiscites, Umbria and Marche were also included in its composition.

Thus, by the end of 1860, Italy (in addition to Rome with the region of Lazio and Venice) was actually united. The All-Italian Parliament , which met in Turin on March 17, 1861, announced the creation of the Italian kingdom, headed by King of Piedmont, Victor Emmanuel II. The constitutional order in Piedmont was extended to the new state.

The unification of the country was accompanied by the unification of legislation, the judicial, monetary and customs systems, the system of weights and measures, and taxation. This opened the way for economic rapprochement of fragmented territories. Thanks to the rapid construction of railways (their length increased from 2,500 km in 1861 to 6,200 km in 1871 ), the main regions of Italy were interconnected. As a result, favorable opportunities arose for a more rapid folding of the single national market.

The unification of the country contributed to the development of the labor movement. It originated back in the 1840s , when several dozen workers mutual aid societies emerged (mainly in the Sardinian kingdom). Initially, they were influenced by moderate liberals and saw their only goal in improving the material conditions of the workers. In the 1860s , mutual aid societies began to appear in many areas of Italy, and in the early 1870s there were already more than 1,400 (against 234 in 1860 ), and they covered about 200,000 workers. The congresses of societies began to gather delegates from various regions of the country. So the labor movement began to acquire a general Italian character. In the first half of the 60s, the influence of supporters of Mazzini prevailed in workers' organizations. They sought to involve the workers in the struggle for universal suffrage and their more active participation in the final stage of the unification movement.

The situation in Italy in the 1860s was tense. The newly emerged Italian state was faced with serious problems. One of them was a widespread uprising of the Neapolitan peasantry. The collapse of hopes for resolving the issue of communal lands pushed the rural masses of the South to come out against the new government, which now fell into the hands of the nobles and the land bourgeoisie, who especially plundered the communal lands. Under their pressure, the Italian government refused to enforce its decree of January 1, 1861 on the division of communal lands, which the peasants so desired. In this setting, the Bourbon supporters stoked the discontent of the rural masses, playing on their long-established belief in the overthrown dynasty as an intercessor for the peasants. As in 1799 , the reaction was hoping to restore the Bourbon monarchy with the help of a general uprising in the countryside. The south was flooded with numerous armed groups, some of them numbering thousands of people. Their backbone was made up of soldiers and non-commissioned officers of the disintegrated Bourbon army, who, upon returning to the village, were often harassed by liberals. Many contemporaries, and then the bourgeois historiographers called this movement "banditry", explaining it exclusively by the tendency of the inhabitants of the backward South to robbery and violence and their traditional commitment to the Bourbons. In fact, this uprising had social roots and expressed in a refracted, twisted form the peasants ’protest against poverty and oppression. The insurgents raided the municipalities, burned the archives, cracked down on the liberals, seized their lands, and indebted many landowners.

Since the summer of 1861, the situation in the south of the country resembled a civil war: villages were ablaze, government forces engaged in fierce clashes with mobile detachments of the rebels, committed mass executions. The Italian government, without taking any measures in the interests of the peasants, decided to act exclusively by force, concentrating the 120,000 army in the South. The movement was only suppressed in 1865 , but its individual outbreaks continued until the end of the 1860s . During this time, more than 5 thousand rebels were killed and wounded.

The papacy became the stronghold of all the reactionary forces that linked the hopes of the southern uprising to the collapse of the young Italian state. В Риме нашли пристанище неаполитанские Бурбоны и остатки верных им войск, которые вместе с добровольцами-клерикалами из других европейских стран совершали с папской территории вылазки в районы восстания. Пий IX отказался признать итальянское правительство, отвергал все его предложения о примирении и слышать не хотел о том, чтобы Рим стал столицей Италии. В ответ на враждебность Ватикана итальянское правительство конфисковало и пустило в продажу имущество 40 тысяч различных церковных организаций — 750 тысяч гектаров земли, перешедшей в основном в руки буржуазии. Эти и другие меры способствовали ослаблению экономического и политического влияния церкви. Однако, пока папа сохранял власть в Риме , державшуюся только благодаря присутствию солдат Наполеона III, Италия неизбежно оставалась в зависимости от Франции. Таким образом, решение «римского вопроса» являлось жизненной проблемой развития страны.

Летом 1862 года Гарибальди прибыл в Сицилию и стал призывать к походу на Рим . Вскоре он переправился с добровольцами в Калабрию. Наполеон III, постоянно оглядывавшийся в своей итальянской политике на французских клерикалов, заявил, что не допустит удаления папы из Рима . Тогда итальянское правительство, сначала занявшее выжидательную позицию, двинуло против Гарибальди войска. В августе у Аспромонте они встретили его отряд ружейным огнём. Гарибальди был тяжело ранен, взят под стражу, многие его бойцы арестованы.

Подавив революционную инициативу как средство окончательного объединения страны, либеральное правительство искало возможность осуществить его путём военно-дипломатических маневров. В 1866 году с целью освобождения Венеции оно приняло предложение Бисмарка выступить в военном союзе с Пруссией против Австрии, начав « третью войну за независимость Италии ».

Гарибальди, которому снова предложили возглавить корпус добровольцев, остался верен себе: ведя тяжелые бои в горах Тироля, он заставил австрийские войска отступить. Регулярная же армия из-за бездарности итальянского командования проиграла сражение у Кустоцы, а флот потерпел неудачу в Адриатическом море в бою у острова Лисса. В результате Италии навязали унизительную процедуру получения Венеции из рук Наполеона III, которому её передала разгромленная пруссаками Австрия. После присоединения Венецианской области Гарибальди с несколькими тысячами добровольцев осенью 1867 года снова бросился на освобождение Рима . В упорном бою у Ментаны его плохо вооруженные бойцы столкнулись с французскими батальонами, оснащенными новыми скорострельными винтовками, и это привело к поражению гарибальдийцев. Сам Гарибальди был арестован итальянским правительством и отправлен на остров Капреру.

В 1870 году, когда началась франко-прусская война, французский корпус был наконец отозван из Рима . Вслед за крушением империи Наполеона III итальянские войска 20 сентября после короткого боя вошли в Рим, который с лета 1871 года стал столицей Италии. Папа, сохранивший за собой Ватиканский дворец, объявил себя «вечным пленником» итальянского государства.

Торжественный въезд в Рим короля Виктора Эммануила II состоялся 2 июля 1871 года . При этом он произнес знаменитые слова: «Мы пришли в Рим и останемся в нём!» Процесс объединения Италии был завершен. Движение Рисорджименто в целом способствовало формированию итальянской нации, стало импульсом для развития индустриализации и утверждения капиталистических общественных отношений, складывания национального рынка и превращения Италии в самостоятельный субъект международной политики.

Однако перед итальянским правительством стояло немало нерешенных проблем. Из-за высокого имущественного ценза слой избирателей оставался очень узким, что угрожало в определенной мере принципам конституционализма и парламентаризма; серьезное беспокойство доставлял римский вопрос, поскольку Папа призвал верующих не принимать участие в политической жизни Италии, то есть подтвердил провозглашенный ещё в 1867 году принцип non expedit (не подобает); трудно представлялось в обозримом будущем решить проблему различного уровня развития Севера и Юга Италии.

1820 год — начало восстания в Неаполитанском королевстве , подавленного впоследствии австрийской интервенцией;

1821 год — волнения распространяются на Пьемонт по инициативе секретного общества, руководимого Сантароза и Конфалоньери ; восстание также было подавлено австрийцами;

1831 год — австрийцы подавляют ещё одно восстание — в герцогстве Пармском . Джузеппе Мадзини основывает в Марселе « Молодую Италию », патриотическое движение, которое боролось за объединение Италии и включение её в европейский контекст.

1833 год — Неудачная попытка «Молодой Италии» поднять восстание в Генуе .

1848 — 1849 годы — « Пять дней Милана » и первая война с Австрией за независимость , завершившаяся неудачно (перемирие в Виньяле и миланский мирный договор ), однако сыгравшая важную роль в развитии и распространении патриотических настроений.

Июнь — июль 1857 года — экспедиция Пизакане : неудачная попытка поднять восстание в Неаполитанском королевстве .

1859 — 1860 годы — вторая война за независимость , в результате которой происходит объединение Сардинского королевства с Ломбардией , Тосканой , Романьей, Пармой и Моденой , в которых прошло всенародное голосование. Высадка Джузеппе Гарибальди в Сицилии и объединение с Сардинией Королевства обеих Сицилий .

17 марта 1861 год — новый парламент провозглашает Итальянское королевство во главе с Виктором Эммануилом II .

Август 1862 года — первый поход Гарибальди на Рим.

1866 год — Третья война за независимость в союзе с Пруссией (см. Австро-прусская война ), в ходе которой к Италии была присоединена область Венеция с Венецией .

Июнь 1867 год — второй поход Гарибальди на Рим.

Сентябрь 1870 года — итальянские войска вступают в Рим , из которого выведен французский гарнизон (см. Франко-прусская война ).

Июнь 1871 года — итальянская столица была перенесена в Рим.

In other languages

• Adolfo Omodeo , Storia del risorgimento italiano. Nona edizione riveduta con profilo di Benedetto Croce, Napoli, ESI, 1965
• Giuseppe Berti . Russia e stati italiani nel Risorgimento. Torino, 1957.
• Indro Montanelli . L'Italia del Risorgimento. Milano, 1972.
• Franco Valsecchi. L'Italia del Risorgimento e l'Europa delle nazionalità. Roma, 1978.
• Walter Maturi . Interpetazioni del Risorgimento. Torino, 1962.
• Luigi Tomaz, In Adriatico nel secondo millennio , Presentazione di Arnaldo Mauri, Think ADV, Conselve, 2010.
• Costanzo Rinaudo , Il risorgimento italiano, S. Lapi, 1911, p. 80
• Cristina Carpinelli. Russia e Risorgimento italiano: i contatti tra i rivoluzionari russi ei patrioti italiani. In: AA.VV. Il Risorgimento: un'epopea? Per una ricostruzione storico-critica. Frankfurt am Mein, Zambon, 2012.

• F. Tarozzi, Risorgimento
• Мадзини и Кавур
• Kомпания Solferino e San Martino
• Библиотеки документов на Рисорджименто