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Leovigild

Leovigild ( Liuvigild ) - King of the Visigoths in 568/569 - 586 .

Leovigild
gothic 𐌻𐌹𐌿𐌱𐌰𐌲𐌹𐌻𐌳𐍃 (Liwigilds) , lat. Liuvigildus, Leuvigildus, Leuvichildus, Leovigildus
Leovigild
Leovigild and his son Germenegild. 18th Century Engraving
Flagking of the Visigoths
568/569 - 586
PredecessorLiuva I
SuccessorRecared I
Birthor
Death586 ( 0586 )
Toledo
Spouse1. Theodosius
2. Goisvinta
Childrenfrom the 1st marriage: Hermenegild
Recared I
ReligionArian Christian

Content

  • 1 Biography
    • 1.1 Accession to the throne
    • 1.2 The situation in the country at the beginning of the reign of Leovigild
    • 1.3 Extension of boundaries
      • 1.3.1 War with Byzantium
      • 1.3.2 Wars on the northwestern borders
      • 1.3.3 Campaign against the Suevi and submission of Orospeda
      • 1.3.4 Results of the first period of foreign policy of Leovigild
    • 1.4 Rebellion of Hermenegild
      • 1.4.1 Controversy in the Royal Family
      • 1.4.2 Start of the rebellion
      • 1.4.3 Campaign against Vascons
      • 1.4.4 Suppression of rebellion
    • 1.5 Church policy of Leovigild
      • 1.5.1 Arian Church Cathedral in Toledo
      • 1.5.2 Persecution of Orthodox Christians
    • 1.6 Domestic policy
      • 1.6.1 Royalizing
      • 1.6.2 Fight against tycoons
      • 1.6.3 Toledo's recognition as the capital of the Visigoth state
      • 1.6.4 Founding of Recopolis and Victoriac
      • 1.6.5 Monetary reform
      • 1.6.6 Code of Laws of Leovigild
    • 1.7 Last years of reign
      • 1.7.1 Subordination of the Suevi State
      • 1.7.2 War on the Franks
    • 1.8 Results of the reign of Leovigild
    • 1.9 Family
  • 2 Comments
  • 3 notes
  • 4 Literature
  • 5 Links

Biography

Accession to the throne

Leovigild was the brother of the ruler of the Visigothic kingdom of Liuva I. In 568 or 569, he became co-ruler of his brother, and when he died in 571 or 572, he inherited the royal throne. Although Leovigild had two adult sons from Hermenegild and Reckared from his first marriage, after the death of his wife, in order to consolidate his right to the throne, he married the widow of King Atanagild to Queen Goiswint [1] [2] .

Situation at the beginning of Leovigild's reign

Leovegild became king in a difficult time for the Visigoth state. Political anarchy after the death of Atanagild reached its zenith. In various places in the country, some tycoons created their own mini-states, completely disregarding the central government. Dangerous enemies threatened from all sides: Franks , Suevs , Byzantines ; the latter, professing Orthodox Christianity, based on the Nicene Creed , found open and secret allies in the Romanesque population of the country. Leovigild energetically and skillfully took up the defense of his throne. At the beginning of his reign, Leovigild began to undertake vigorous measures aimed at implementing what might be called his political program: “He restored the country is ready, reduced as a result of various riots, in its former borders” [1] . Moreover, he probably from the very beginning sought to unite the entire Iberian Peninsula under his authority. This program involved a fierce struggle, both with internal and external enemies. [3]

To suppress the rebellious tycoons and peasant uprisings, Leovigild relied on the royal combatants (bukcellaris and saions), as well as on the people's militia, consisting of free Visigoths. For their service, they received land grants from the king. The royal estates were formed from the imperial domains in the center of the country and Betica and were replenished due to confiscations from the rebellious magnates. Leovigild’s desire to increase the royal land fund, which was greatly exhausted as a result of his predecessors, became one of the reasons for campaigns against the Kingdom of Suevs and Byzantine possessions in Spain.

Expanding Borders

Wars of Byzantium

 
Byzantine possessions in Spain

The first steps of the new king were actions against the most dangerous enemy, the Byzantines . In 570, Leovigild began a war with the Byzantines. The time was chosen very well. After the death of the energetic and capable Justinian I, Constantinople’s throne ended up with his nephew Justin II , who did not inherit the talents of his uncle. Soon he got involved in a grueling war with the Persians, in which the Byzantines were defeated. Even more important for Western affairs was the invasion of the Lombards , who in 568 began the conquest of Italy, ousting the Byzantines from there. Under these conditions, the imperial government was unable to provide any effective assistance to their distant Spanish possessions.

Already in the first campaign, Leovigild crossed Betis (modern Guadalquivir ), but could not do anything special and was content with the devastation of the environs of the cities of Bastetania (modern Basy ) and Malacitan (modern Malaga ). [4] He could not take the cities themselves. In 571, he managed to occupy the fortified city of Asidon (modern Medina-Sidonia ). This important trading city, which brought significant income to the Byzantine treasury and, in addition, the strongest fortress included in the system of border fortifications, fell as a result of the betrayal of a certain Framida. Having captured this city at night and having killed the Byzantine soldiers, King Leovigild returned it to the power of the Goths. [5] [6]

Even greater success awaited him in 572 , when he captured the most important city of Kordub (modern Cordoba ). In the VI century, Cordoba rebelled against the Goths and became an independent city, although probably connected with allied relations with the Byzantines . Unsuccessful attempts to conquer it were made by the predecessors of Leovigild, the Visigoth kings Aguil I and Atanagild , but to no avail. Cordoba, like Medina Sidonia, fell into the hands of the Visigoths at night. Soon, under the rule of Leovigild, fortresses and cities in the vicinity of Cordoba fell; a large number of peasants returned under the power of the Goths. [7]

The Visigothic border moved towards Cartagena - the capital of the Byzantine possessions in Spain so much that it was visible from the city. But the lack of a fleet did not allow Leovigild to complete the expulsion of the Byzantines from Spain. Local Byzantine authorities, not receiving help from Constantinople, were forced to ask for peace. Peace (or truce) was concluded in 572, and under its conditions the entire Betis valley passed under the authority of Leovigild. And only the coastal strip remained in the hands of Byzantium. Leovegild could consider his task in the south accomplished. The psychological significance of this fact was also important: the Visigoths were again stronger than Byzantium, the heiress of the Roman Empire. [8]

Wars at the Northwest Frontiers

 
Kings Leova I and Leovigild

Meanwhile, the brother of Leovigild Liuv I , king of Narbonne Gaul ( Septimania ), died. His lands went to Leovigild. [2] [9] After Leovigild established himself in the southern lands, he turned to northern Spain. Virtually independent was the entire mountainous north of the Iberian Peninsula, inhabited by vases and cantabras . At this time , the Suevian king Miro also embarked on a path of military expansion. In particular, he fought with the Ruscons (or Runcons) [10] who lived in Cantabria , and this threatened the northwestern border of the Visigoth kingdom. This alone made Leovigild pay special attention to this region. In 573, Leovigild, according to John of Biklarsky , “having entered Sabaria, devastated Sappos (that is, the area of ​​the Sapp tribe)” . The capture of Sabaria (an area probably located between Zamora and Salamanca ) was apparently undertaken with the aim of driving Miro out of there. Leovigild transferred the captured province to the management of his two sons from the late wife Hermenegild and Reckared , making them co-rulers. [11] Isidore of Seville also mentions the capture of Sabaria: “The Sabaria was conquered as a whole” [12] .

 
The conquest of the cantabras by King Leovigild. Plate of ivory reliquary . San Millan de la Cogoglia . XI century

In 574, Leovigild, according to John of Biklarsky, "having entered Cantabria, destroyed the invaders of the province, occupied Amaya [K 1] , passed through his troops and returned the province to his rule . " [13] Having occupied Cantabria, the Visigoths could directly threaten the Suev kingdom in Galicia. Suevi also made trips to Cantabria. So under the "invaders of the province" we can assume Sveva. The power of both the Suevs and the Visigoths over Cantabria was nominal: the province was governed by the local nobility, whose collections were mentioned back in the 7th century by the Saragossian bishop Braulio [14] . "The Life of St. Emilian" speaks of the treacherous attack of the Visigoth king. It is possible that the cantabras had some kind of agreement with the Visigoths, which the king now insidiously violated. Since chronicler John speaks of the “return” of the province, one might think that one of the conditions of such an agreement was a formal recognition of the authority of the Visigoth king, which did not interfere with the actual independence of the highlanders. It is characteristic that until this time there was no information about the wars between the northern highlanders and the Visigoths. Apparently, for many years both sides maintained their established existence: the Visigoths were satisfied with a formal recognition of their power, and the Cantabras and Vascons, while maintaining their de facto independence, did not lay claim to lower lands. Now Leovigild violated this coexistence and “destroyed” Cantabria with fire and sword, that is, deprived of its independence.

A policy aimed at expanding state borders led in 575 to the subjugation of a certain Aspidius [K 2] , who until then had maintained an independent position in the “Aregen mountains” (an unidentifiable area in northwestern Spain). Apparently, he was something like a local king, since Leovigild brought to the Visigoth country both his family and his treasury. [15] [16] [17]

Campaign against the Suevs and subjugation of Orospeda

These campaigns created the necessary bridgehead for an attack directly on the Suev state in Galicia . Already in 576, Miro was defeated and requested peace. For unclear reasons, Leovigild went to meet him and made a temporary truce [18] . After the defeat of Miro, the Svevo kingdom could no longer claim a leading position in Spain, hegemony on the Iberian Peninsula was finally fixed to the Visigoths, and Leovigild so far limited himself to this. Apparently, Leovigild did not dare to deliver a final blow to the Svei, while in his rear there were still subordinate territories.

In 577, Leovigild again turned his eyes south. In the border strip between the Visigothic state and Byzantium , a place called Orospeda maintained its independence, probably located in the upper Guadalquivir . Leovigild captured this country, apparently under the control of the nobility. After the troops of Leovigild entered Orospeda, an uprising of the lower classes broke out in the city, which, however, was easily suppressed. [19] [20] [21]

Results of the first period of Leovigild's foreign policy

It is difficult to say whether Leovigild confined himself only to these companies, which John Biklarsky reports, or there were still others, smaller ones that did not attract the attention of the chronicler. Be that as it may, by 578 Leovigild had achieved his main goal in this regard. Local unauthorized tycoons were tamed, and the formerly independent cities and regions were subordinate. A significant part of the coast was still in the hands of the Byzantines, and the Svevo kingdom continued to exist in the northwest, but the territory of the imperial province was significantly reduced, and the Svevo expansion was decisively stopped. [22]

Here is how Isidor of Seville described this stage of Leovigild's foreign policy in general terms:

“He began to expand the kingdom and enrich the treasury with wars. Thanks to his army and its success, he achieved great results. He captured Cantabria and took Aregia. Sabaria was conquered in its entirety. Many of the rebellious cities of Spain surrendered to his troops. He led the soldiers into many battles and captured many fortresses, which he then destroyed. Finally, Leovigild unleashed a war with the Suevs and, with surprising speed, brought their kingdom under the rule of his people. "He extended his power to most of Spain, previously the people were ready to occupy only a small territory." [12]

The Rebellion of Hermenegild

Royal Family

The conquest of territories within Spain required maintaining the integrity of the Frankish border, for which it was necessary to establish, if not friendly relations, then at least a relatively peaceful existence with the Franks. And in 579, Leovigild took a step which, in his opinion, was to ensure Frankish neutrality: he married his son Germenegild to the Frankish princess Ingunda . [23] [24] She was the daughter of King Sigibert I of Australia and was also the granddaughter of Queen Goisvinta, since Sigibert was married to Brunhild, the daughter of Goisvinta and Atanagild . The wedding of Rekkared was also planned with the daughter of King Neustria Chilperic I , brother of Sigibert, whose name was Rigunta , but it did not take place.

The marriage of Hermenegild and Ingunda soon served the poor of the Visigoth king. After the arrival of the Ingunda in Spain at the Visigoth court, strife began. Despite her very young age, Ingunda not only refused to convert to Arianism , but also tried to convert Hermenegild to the Orthodox Nicene faith . In the disputes that erupted after this in the bowels of the royal family, Queen Goisvinta, a fanatical Arian , played a fatal role. In order to somehow resolve the conflict, Leovigild allocated to his eldest son a part of the province of Betica with the main city of Seville and placed him there as an independent ruler. [23] [25]

Start of the mutiny

Once south, Germenegild found himself in the midst of new intrigues. The local nobility, relatively recently subordinated to the Visigoth kings, apparently hoped to restore their former independence. The spiritual leader of this group of nobles was Bishop Levander of Seville, a relative of Hermenegild. In the same 579 or the following year, Hermenegild converted to the Orthodox Nicene religion, having adopted the name John at baptism, and Leander himself baptized him. Hermenegild proclaimed himself king, choosing Seville as his capital.

As already mentioned, Germenegild and Reckared were officially co-rulers of their father, but formally they did not have a royal title. Having proclaimed himself the sovereign king and even starting to mint his own coin, Hermenegild directly challenged Leovigild. On his coin, he not only calls himself the king, but also adds A DEO VITA ("the salvation of God"). Thus, rebellion was placed under the protection of God. Hermenegild clearly claimed the role of the standard bearer of the Orthodox Nicene faith in the struggle against dominant Arianism .

The fanning of confessional contradictions plunged the Visigoth state into a severe crisis. If until now the whole logic of development has led to the convergence and even the merger of the Romans and the Goths, now the threat of confrontation clearly hangs over them. The position of Hermenegild is clearly expressed in the inscription from 580 from Alcalá de Guadaira ( province of Seville ): "In the second year of the reign of our master, King Hermenegild, who is persecuted by his father, King Leovigild . " However, the rebel’s appeal to the followers of orthodox Christianity to show solidarity with his new co-religionist did not find a noticeable response. Both John Biklarsky , a contemporary of these events, and Isidore of Seville, who wrote several decades later, qualify the actions of Hermenegild as a rebellion. John Biklarsky, who wrote in the last decade of the 6th century , condemns the rebellion of his co-religionist Orthodox Hermenegild, since this uprising "did more harm to the Goths and Romans than the enemy invasion . " [26] Hermenegild found very few supporters among the orthodox episcopate. He was supported by Leander of Seville , while Mason of Merida , a Goth by birth, took a wait and see attitude. То, что позднее Герменегильда стали почитать как мученика, следует считать результатом позднего переосмысления, совершившегося под воздействием антиортодоксальной политики Леовигильда.

Герменегильд активно искал союзников. Он заключил соглашение с византийцами , которым, по-видимому, передал Кордову . Свою помощь предложил и король свевов Миро . Скорее всего, существовали также какие-то связи с франкскими родичами Ингунды. Так, в поддержку Герменегильда выступил Гунтрамн , король Бургундии , в то время как Хильперик I , из-за своих разногласий с Гунтрамном, поддержал Леовигильда. [27]

Поход против васконов

Сам Леовигильд, очевидно, надеясь на полюбовное примирение, поначалу не предпринимал никаких действий. В 581 году он пошёл походом на васконов , возможно, также вступивших в союзные отношения с Герменегильдом. В итоге часть их территории была завоевана Леовигильдом; чтобы укрепиться на этих землях, Леовигильд основал «город Победы» — Викториакум (ныне Витория ). [28] Следует отметить, что именно в 581 году и в несколько более позднее время впервые отмечается наличие васконов к северу от Пиренеев : сначала с ними неудачно сражался герцог Хильперика Бладаст [29] , а немногим позже другой герцог — Австровальд — не смог помешать их грабежам. [30] Исследователи связывают появление васконов на территории Франкского королевства с уходом под давлением войск Леовигильда части этого народа за Пиренеи. Разгромив васконов и заставив их признать свою власть, Леовигильд на какое-то время сумел этим походом предотвратить возможный удар с севера во время войны на юге. [31]

Подавление мятежа

Только в 582 году Леовигильд двинулся против своего сына. [32] Взяв Мериду , он отрезал Бетику от свевского королевства . Это, конечно же, ухудшило шансы Герменегильда. Неудачной оказалась и попытка заручиться византийской помощью. Отправленное в Константинополь посольство во главе с севильским епископом Леандром закончилось ничем; византийское правительство в тот момент не могло оказать никакой реальной помощи своему испанскому единоверцу, хотя такая помощь явно соответствовала бы политике империи. Герменегильд, таким образом, остался без реальных союзников. Силы же местной знати и городов, поддержавших мятежного принца, были, по-видимому, очень подорваны опустошением Бетики в 570 — 572 годах . Всё это в огромной степени уменьшило шансы Герменегильда на успех.

Осада Севильи длилась свыше года. В 583 году свевский король Миро решил воспользоваться обстоятельствами и двинулся с войсками в Южную Испанию. Но там он был разбит и погиб. [33] [34] [35] Теперь у Герменегильда не осталось никаких надежд на внешнюю помощь. Он с женой и младенцем сыном бежал в Кордову , под защиту византийских войск, надеясь, видимо, что в таких условиях византийцы должны будут оказать ему помощь. Севилья же попала в руки Леовигильда. В следующем 584 году настала очередь Кордовы. Леовигильд подкупил византийского губернатора, и тот за огромную сумму в 30 тысяч солидов отказался помогать Герменегильду. Кордова была взята королевской армией. Герменегильд укрылся в церкви; и покинул её, только получив обещание, что его жизни ничто не угрожает. Его же жена Ингунда и малолетний сын Атанагильд ушли вместе с византийцами и отправились в Константинополь . Германегильд был пленён в начале 584 года (самое позднее в начале марта, так как вестготское посольство, проезжавшее через Тур на Пасху 2 апреля 584 года , ехало для решения проблем, связанных с пленением Германегильда и захватом византийцами Ингунды и её сына [36] ). Германегильд был официально лишён своего титула, с него, по старому германскому обычаю, сорвали одежду и одели в рубище, и лишь с одним слугой отправили в изгнание. [24] Сначала он был сослан в Валенсию [37] , а позднее в Таррагону , где на Пасху 24 марта 585 года его убил некий Сисеберт — то ли по собственной инициативе, то ли по тайному поручению короля. [38] Ингунда осталась в руках византийцев и по пути в Константинополь умерла в Африке, где и была похоронена. [39] Маленький Атанагильд благополучно был доставлен в столицу Византии, где содержался императором в качестве почётного заложника, несмотря на многочисленные просьбы его бабки королевы франков Брунгильды отдать его ей. [40] [41]

Церковная политика Леовигильда

Арианский церковный собор в Толедо

 
Золотой триенс Леовигильда (?). Вес — 1.39 г Диаметр — 19 мм. Надпись на аверсе : DN IVSTI NIAVAIO. Надпись на реверсе : VAI TººVAºº IAººN. Подрожение монете Юстиниана I. Текст специально сделан нечитаемым (т. н. обманный шрифт)

Восстание Герменегильда показало, что конфессиональные различия могут стать взрывоопасной смесью, угрожающей взорвать политическое благополучие страны. На основании горького опыта Леовигильд предпринял рискованную попытку привести к единому знаменателю и эту сферу государственной жизни. Леовигильд прекрасно понимал, что слиянию римского и вестготского населения в единую массу подданных короля в огромной степени препятствует религиозная рознь. Единому государству должна была соответствовать и единая государственная религия. Для этого было необходимо отказаться от устоявшегося представления, что ортодоксально-никейская конфессия — это римская вера, а арианство — готская. Ещё важнее были, пожалуй, политические обстоятельства. Под флагом ортодоксально-никейской веры поднял свой мятеж Герменегильд, получив поддержку ортодоксального населения Южной Испании. Если не военную, то моральную и политическую, поддержку мятежному принцу оказали византийские власти в Испании. Ортодоксами к тому времени были и свевы, с которыми вестготы вели борьбу и подчинение которых поставил своей целью Леовигильд. Одним словом, ортодоксально-никейская вера стала духовным знаменем всех антилеовигильдовских сил. В этой ситуации Леовигильд сделал ставку на привычное арианство. Именно христианство в его арианском варианте должно было, по мысли Леовигильда, стать государственной религией его королевства.

С этой целью в 580 году , сразу же после начала восстания Герменегильда, в Толедо состоялся арианский собор [42] (первое и единственное собрание подобного рода в королевстве вестготов), на котором речь шла о том, чтобы «обратить римлян в арианскую ересь». Чтобы облегчить этот процесс, арианские епископы заявили о своём отказе от обряда повторного крещения, до сих пор являвшегося неотъемлемой частью обращения, и тем самым о своём признании ортодоксально-никейского таинства крещения. [42] Кроме того, Леовигильд ввёл почитание реликвий и мучеников, опять же до тех пор неизвестное арианской церкви. Видимое сближение с ортодоксальной позицией произошло и в догматическом аспекте. Леовигильд считал оправданным называть Христа равным Отцу , в то время как до него Сын признавался лишь подобным Ему. Сама арианская догма не была существенно потревожена этой уступкой, но и такими, в сущности, маловажными терминологическими изменениями можно было облегчить обращение ортодоксов-никейцев. Желая подчеркнуть отсутствие непреодолимых преград между двумя ветвями христианства Леовигильд даже молился в ортодоксально-никейских церквах и у могил мучеников. [43] [44]

Гонения на христиан-ортодоксов

По свидетельству Григория Турского , при Леовигильде «проводились сильные гонения на христиан-ортодоксов со стороны вестготов-ариан . Многие были обречены на изгнание, лишены имущества, истощены голодом, посажены в тюрьму, подвергнуты избиению и погибли от различных наказаний. Зачинщицей же этих преследований была Гоисвинта, на которой, после её первого брака с королём Атанагильдом , женился король Леовигильд. Но та, которая клеймила позором рабов Божиих, сама была заклеймена Божьей карой перед всем народом. Ибо закрывшее один её глаз бельмо лишило его света, которого лишен был и её ум». [24] Исидор Севильский также упоминал о гонениях при этом короле: «Переполненный безумием арианского заблуждения, Леовигильд начал преследование христиан-ортодоксов, сослал епископов, отнял доходы и привилегии у церкви. Этими ужасными деяниями он заставил многих подхватить арианскую заразу» [45] .

Со времен Эйриха ни один вестготский король не чинил серьёзных препятствий ортодоксальной церкви. Поводом для антиортодоксальной политики Леовигильда, в корне отличавшейся своими мотивами, целями и методами от политики Эйриха, послужил мятеж Герменегильда, ярко осветивший существующую конфессиональную проблематику. Леовигильд стремился к конфессиональному объединению всех граждан на почве арианства; его образ действий был жестче приемов Эйриха, но нельзя говорить и о религиозных гонениях. Он использовал уговоры, вознаграждения и угрозы, а в чрезвычайных случаях прибегал к ссылке. Масоне Меридскому , Иоанну Бикларскому , Нитигисию из Луго и некоторым другим приверженцам Никейского Символа веры были в принудительном порядке указаны новые места жительства. Арианской церкви были дарованы все мыслимые преимущества. Так, ариане получили в своё владение множество ортодоксальных церквей в Мериде . Религиозные дискуссии, излюбленное средство арианской пропаганды, должны были публично демонстрировать превосходство этой конфессии . Гибкая тактика Леовигильда в религиозных вопросах оказалась довольно удачной. В арианство перешёл даже один ортодоксальный епископ, Винцентий Сарагосский [45] . Впрочем, остальной епископат остался на своих позициях, тем более что Леовигильд не возражал против назначений на вакантные епископские кафедры . Тем не менее, религиозная политика Леовигильда, продлись она дольше, вряд ли принесла бы существенные результаты, ввиду внутренней силы сопротивления ортодоксальной церкви. Смерть короля в 586 году положила конец его церковной деятельности, в конечном успехе которой он, по-видимому, сомневался и сам, о чём позволяет судить возвращение Масоны в Мериду . Григорий Турский даже утверждает, что Леовигильд перед смертью принял ортодоксальное христианство [46] . Испанские авторы, однако, об этом молчат [47] [48] .

Внутренняя политика

Придание пышности королевской власти

Эти военные успехи дали Леовигильду основание и для укрепления королевской власти внутри страны. Целью Леовигильда было создание мощного государства с сильной королевской властью. Образцом такого государства во многом служила Византия. И Леовигильд, по-видимому, чувствовал себя в какой-то степени наследником империи на Западе. Подражая империи и императору, Леовигильд стремился создать государство имперского типа, противопоставленное старому германскому, основанное на сильной королевской власти в противоположность своеволию старой племенной аристократии. И к этой цели Леовигильд шёл твёрдо и последовательно, даже если те или иные конкретные шаги определялись сложившимися обстоятельствами. Вестготское королевство должно было напоминать империю как по внутреннему содержанию, так и по внешнему облику. Следуя византийскому образцу, Леовигильд первым из вестготских королей стал надевать специальную королевскую одежду и носить корону, установил пышный дворцовый церемониал. До этого акта вестготские короли ничем от своего окружения не отличались. Теперь уже один только внешний вид короля резко отделял его от всех своих подданных. Как отмечает Исидор Севильский Леовигильд «первым сел на трон в королевских одеяниях; ибо прежде правители носили те же одежды и сидели на тех же сидениях, что и остальной народ» . [49] Это не только было подражанием императору, но и стало знаком разрыва со старыми германскими традициями.

«Империализация» королевской власти не означала, что вестготский король отныне притязал на всемирное господство. Леовигильд и его преемники считали себя независимыми правителями, «императорами в своей стране». В этом заключается их основополагающее отличие от византийских государей. [50]

Борьба с магнатами

Leovigild achieved his goal by all means, not stopping before the bloodiest. Isidore of Seville writes that “Leovigild was ruthless to some of his people, if he saw someone outstanding in his nobility and power, he either beheaded him or sent him into exile. He was the first to increase requisitions and the first to fill the treasury by robbing citizens and plundering enemies. " [49] He was echoed by Grigory Tursky - " he killed all those who usually killed the kings, leaving no one to urinate against the wall “(That is, all the male offspring of the aristocracy).” [2] With all the exaggeration allowed by orthodox Nicene writers, who hated the Arian king, who persecuted the Orthodox Nicene, a certain amount of truth in these statements cannot be denied. Thus, relying on the lower classes of the people, he was able to significantly reduce the power of the local Gothic magnates, dangerous enemies of royal power. He executed those who resisted; their property passed into the ownership of the king, as a result of which the financial situation of the country began to improve. [51]

Recognition of Toledo as the capital of the Visigoth state

An important step of Leovigild was the creation of the new capital of the Kingdom of Visigoth. After the fall of Toulouse , the Visigoths did not have a permanent capital. Gezaleh fled to Barcelona , Amalaric preferred Narbonne , Teudis again retired to Spain and was killed in Seville . Kings and their court moved from place to place as needed. Atanagild preferred Toledo , where he died, but his preference did not distinguish this city from other cities in the country. Leovigild decided to create a real capital, like Constantinople . He chose the same Toledo. This city was located almost in the center of the Iberian Peninsula and thus became a symbol of the unification of the peninsula around the king, and in addition, it was connected with roads to various parts of Spain. Although Toledo had existed for a long time, it did not play a big role. So in Toledo there was no long and strong tradition of Roman city government and generally Roman traditions. Nor was there a tradition of intrigue among the Visigoths themselves. This allowed the Visigoth king to feel there more freely.

Leovigild made this city a permanent capital, the seat of the courtyard and central institutions. Perhaps a royal palace was built in Toledo. Using, it seems, again a Byzantine model, the king created in Toledo a relatively extensive palace department, which played the role of the government of the state under the leadership of the king. Since that time, one can rightfully speak about the existence of the Kingdom of Toledo. [52]

Founding of Recopolis and Victoriac

 
Ruins of Recopolis

In 578, in the interior of Spain, the king founded the city, named after his second son, Reccopolis . For the inhabitants of the new city, the king established privileges. [53] This event was so important to the Visigoth king that it was marked by the release of a special coin. Rekopolis, based on the site of a small settlement, was created as one of the largest cities in Spain at that time; it occupied an area of ​​30 hectares , while, for example, the capital of Toledo had only 5 hectares. The well-fortified city was located on a hill, and in the highest part of this hill, dominating the surrounding area, there was a palace complex with a Byzantine-style basilica. Maybe this city was supposed to be the residence of Reccared.

Three years after the victory over the Vascons, the city of Victoriac was founded in a subordinate area. [28] Leovigild takes the Latin word Victoria (Victory) as the basis of its name. This city was already much smaller and its goal was probably only purely military. Along with the captured Cantabrian fortification of Amaya, this city became a stronghold for the fight against the northern highlanders. Recopolis and Victoriac were the first cities created by barbarians in the territory of the former Western Roman Empire. The founding of cities was one of the most important tasks of the emperor. And here one cannot but notice the desire to stand on one level with the emperor. [54]

Coin Reform

 
Golden Triens Leovigild. Onoba Mint (modern Huelva ). Weight - 1.49 g. Diameter - 21 mm. The inscription on the obverse : LIVVIGIDVS (Leovigild). The inscription on the reverse : REX INCLTVS ONO (Glorified King. Onoba)

A further step towards the appropriation of imperial prerogatives can be considered the fact that Leovigild was the first of the Visigoth kings ordered to mint gold coins with his name and image. Although the Visigoths minted a coin starting from the 5th century , the name and image of the then emperor were put on gold. Until about 575, Leovigild also imitated Byzantine coins and issued them with the name of Justin II . After a short transition period, when the inscriptions on the coins were deliberately made unreadable (the so-called “cheating font”), Leovigild went on to mint his own coins. At the same time, he and his successors used epithets borrowed from the titles of Roman emperors (for example, PIVS - “pious”, FELIX - “happy”, INCLITVS - “glorified”, IVSTVS - “fair” and VICTOR - “winner”). In monetary affairs, Leovigild returned to the Roman model, which for a long time remained without use. He ordered that important events of his reign be captured in coin legends . Capturing Merida, Leovigild issued a special coin with the legend Merida. Victory ”( EMERITA VICTORIA ). After the conquest of Seville , coins were issued with the inscription: “He conquered Seville with God” ( CVM DEO SPALI ADQVISITA ). After the occupation of Cordoba, the inscriptions read: “He captured Cordoba twice” ( CORDVBA BIS OPTINUIT ).

 
Cities of the Visigoth kingdom where mints were located

The accession of Galicia with its gold mines allowed the Visigoth king to obtain a more solid material base for his coinage. About half of the mines mined by the Visigoths were located here. True, the Visigoths never created a single mint, but all coins minted in different places (and the mint was marked on the coin), in principle, followed one pattern. Set Leovigild and a single coin weight. Earlier in the Visigoth kingdom there were trips of both the Byzantine type weighing 1.52 g, and lighter Svevo type. From now on, all coins began to be issued weighing 1.5 g. Approaching the weight of his coin to the Byzantine standard, Leovigild emphasized that it was no less complete and full-fledged than imperial.

In the Visigoth kingdom, mainly triens (or tremissy ) were minted, which are a third of the solid, while in the laws all fines and taxes were determined in whole solid , which really didn’t go in the kingdom and were only a unit of account, which could be caused by a lack of metal . Visigoth coins were of relatively little economic importance. They were only gold and therefore not adapted for everyday domestic trade. To a greater extent they were used in foreign trade, as well as for the payment of taxes and shafts and for payment to soldiers. And most importantly - the coins were a symbol of power and wealth, and a visual means of propaganda. By issuing coins completely different from the imperial ones, Leovigild emphasized his position as a monarch on an equal footing with the emperor. [55]

Code of Laws of Leovigild

The goals of internal state consolidation were also served by the new codification of Visigoth law. To this end, in 578-580, a revision of the code of laws of the Eirich Code and the Roman Law of the Visigoths ( Alvarius Breviary ) was revised and a new Codex revisus was created. As Isidore of Seville notes: “As for the laws, he corrected those that were introduced by Erich, adding those that were not and removing superfluous.” [49] And in this case, Leovigild could be inspired by Justinian's example, in which a new and a comprehensive code of Roman law. But the main thing was still different: it was necessary to create a new code of laws, reflecting a new time and a new level of legal thinking; his articles were revised in the direction of further Romanization of German law. Thus, the recognition of equal inheritance rights of daughters and sons goes back to Roman law. Leovigild canceled the ban on marriages between the Romans and the Goths, which had existed so far, all the more so since he, even as the legislator says, was extremely often violated. Since the release of the Revised Code probably eliminated the special situation of the ready in court, it seems obvious that the main goal of the legislative activity of Leovigild was the final equation in the rights of both ethnic groups of the Visigothic state.

To us, the codification of Leovigild came only as part of the Reckesvint Editorial Office ; laws dating back to the Revised Code of Leovigild are designated there as "ancient." Although only the Judicial Book of Rekkesvint ( Liber Iudiciorum ) explicitly forbade the use of other legal codes, it can be assumed that the Roman Law of the Visigoths became obsolete already with the advent of the Code of Leovigild. [56] [57]

The last years of the reign

Subjugation of the Suevi state

The last years of Leovigild’s reign were relatively calm and peaceful. Submission to the kingdom of the Suevs was no longer any difficulty. Taking advantage of the turmoil and the struggle for the throne that occurred in the Svevo state after the death of Miro , in 585 the Visigoths invaded their territory, captured King Oudek , his capital and its treasures. [58] The captive king was tonsured a monk. [59] The Franks attempted to assist the Svei and sent them a merchant fleet. However, ships sailing from Gaul to Galicia were looted by order of King Leovigild, goods were taken, people were beaten and put to death, and some were taken prisoner. Only a few of them somehow managed to escape. [60] After the Leovigild commanders suppressed the revolt of a certain Malarik , the Suev state became a province of the Visigoth kingdom. [61] [62] [63]

War on the Franks

It was somewhat more difficult to deal with the king of the Frankish kingdom, Burgundy Guntramn , who tried to capture Septimania . In 585, two Frankish troops marched on Nimes and Carcassonne . However, poorly managed troops, led by incapable military leaders, killed and robbed the inhabitants of their own country, set fires, not disdaining even the robbery of churches and the murder of church officials. The first army, reaching Carcassonne, entered it without any resistance, since the inhabitants voluntarily opened the gate. Then, it is not known for what reason, a battle arose between them and the inhabitants of the city, and they, having lost their commander Count Terenziol in this skirmish, left the city. Warriors of the second army reached Nimes, robbed the entire area, burned houses, burned crops, cut down olives, chopped vineyards, but, not being able to harm the residents who had hidden behind the walls, went to other cities. And since these cities were greatly fortified, fully provided with food and other necessary things, the soldiers, devastating the suburbs of these cities, could not get inside.

Leovigild sent against them the son of Reccared with a large army. Guntramn’s troops had to go on the defensive and retreat. The retreat passed through the territories by themselves plundered and scorched during the offensive, so the soldiers of Guntramn began to suffer from hunger and die. In addition, the Goths, attacking them from secret ambushes, were robbed and killed many of them. The attacks of the inhabitants of their own country, to which the soldiers of Guntramn brought so much unhappiness, also joined the attacks. Having lost from pestilence and in these skirmishes, according to Gregory of Tours, more than five thousand people and having abandoned not only the loot, but also their property, the troops of Guntramn returned home without accomplishing anything worthy [64] .

The recruited went on the offensive, took the fortress of Cabaret and devastated most of the region of Toulouse , and took many prisoners. Then, as a result of a powerful assault, he took possession of the well-fortified Ugern fortress (Boker in the Arles province), located on the banks of the Rodan River ( Rhone ). [65] Then he, together with the seized property and the captives, locked himself in the city of Nimes . King Guntramn hastily strengthened the borders of his kingdom.

In the next 586, Reccared continued his actions against the Franks in Septimania , reached Narbonne and, having captured rich booty, returned to his father's homeland as a winner. [66] During the reign of Leovigild, the world, despite numerous diplomatic contacts, was never concluded. [63] [67] [68]

Leovigild Board Results

 
Statue of Leovigild in Madrid ( F. Corral , 1750 - 53)

In general, the period of Leovigild's reign can be evaluated positively. By the time of his death, the King of the Visigoths fulfilled most of his foreign policy plans. The political union of the Iberian Peninsula has taken a significant step forward. The structure of the state included not only the remaining autonomous regions of Spain, but also the state of the Suevi ; the Byzantines were driven back to the coast, Frankish attacks were repulsed. Moreover, the subordination of almost all of Spain was not only nominal, but also real. True, it is difficult to say how real dominance over the Vascons (Basques) was; it is possible that under Leovigild they were really subordinate, although later this submission almost disappeared again.

Equally, Leovigild’s domestic policy was equally successful. The forces of the Visigoth nobility were undermined. To strengthen the royal power in decline, he was not satisfied with the pacification of the nobility, but he revived the foundations of royal dignity. Since 580, Toledo has become the capital of the state. Cordoba, after its re-conquest by Leovigild, also became an important stronghold that secured the Visigoth power in Betica . Leovigild created 8 provinces (579), led by royal representatives.

Nevertheless, the cornerstone of political unity, religious unity, was never laid. In this regard, Leovigild’s attempt to rally his state, taking as its basis the slightly modified Arianism , caused unrest that burdened the rule of his son and successor to Reccarede . [69]

Leovigild reigned for 18 years and died a natural death in Toledo in the second half of April or early May 586 . [49] [70] [71]

Family

  • The name of the first wife of Leovigild is not mentioned in contemporary sources. Gregory of Tours and John of Biklarsky in their writings report that Leovigild had her first wife, who died, leaving him two sons, but did not give her name. Based on the fact that the sons of Leovigild reached adulthood by 573 and their father was able to appoint them co-rulers, Leovegild was supposed to marry for the first time in 550 - 555 years . Luis de Salazar y Castro ( 1658 - 1734 ), the largest specialist in Spanish genealogy , claims that the first wife of Leovigild was called Theodosius , and that she came from an Ibero-Roman family. She was the daughter of Severin from Cartagena and his wife Theodora. [72] Thus, she should be the sister of the bishops of Leander of Seville , Isidore of Seville and Fulgenius of Esih , as well as the abbess of Florentina . However, what source is based on his statement is not specified. Since numerous errors are included in his genealogy tables, this information should be considered with caution.
    • Hermenegild
    • Recared I
  • Goisvinta is the widow of the previous king Atanagild . Leovigild married her after the death of his first wife in 569 . [1] Goisvinta survived Leovigild and died in 589 . [73]

Comments

  1. ↑ Dietrich Claude (History of the Visigoths) localizes Amaya in the province of Burgos , considering it the center of the Cantabra tribe. However, it is possible that two different campaigns of Leovigild are described here - against the Cantabras (in the north of Spain) and against the city of Amaya (Varegia, Amaya) in Andalusia (in the south of Spain).
  2. ↑ Дитрих Клауде («История вестготов») придерживается версии, что Аспидий — это личное имя захваченного вместе со своей семьёй и казной местного царька и локализует Арегийские горы где-то на северо-западе Испании, но без точного указания местоположения. Можно предположить, что здесь был поход не на север Испании, а на юг. Название Арегийских гор напоминает упомянутый под 574 годом город в Андалузии Varegia, Amaya, а Аспидий (Aspidium, Aspis) — это Aspe, город в пров. Аликанте .

Notes

  1. ↑ 1 2 3 Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 569 год, гл. 4 .
  2. ↑ 1 2 3 Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. IV , 38.
  3. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 227.
  4. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 570 год, гл. 2 .
  5. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 571 год, гл. 3 .
  6. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. — С. 57.
  7. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 572 год, гл. 2 .
  8. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 227—228.
  9. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 573 год, гл. 2 .
  10. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 572 год, гл. 3 .
  11. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 573 год, гл. 5 .
  12. ↑ 1 2 Исидор Севильский . История готов, гл. 49 .
  13. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 574 год, гл. 2 .
  14. ↑ Braulio, Vita S. Emiliani 33
  15. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 575 год, гл. 2 .
  16. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 228—230.
  17. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. — С. 57—58.
  18. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 576 год, гл. 3 .
  19. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 577 год, гл. 2 .
  20. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 230—231.
  21. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. — С. 58.
  22. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 231.
  23. ↑ 1 2 Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 579 год, гл. 2 .
  24. ↑ 1 2 3 Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. V , 38.
  25. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 231—232.
  26. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 579 год, гл. 3 .
  27. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 232—234.
  28. ↑ 1 2 Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 581 год, гл. 3 .
  29. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VI , 12.
  30. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. IX , 7.
  31. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 234.
  32. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 582 год, гл. 3 .
  33. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VI , 43.
  34. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 583 год, гл. 1 .
  35. ↑ Исидор Севильский . История свевов, гл. 91 .
  36. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VI , 40.
  37. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 584 год, гл. 3 .
  38. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 585 год, гл. 3 .
  39. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VIII , 28.
  40. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 235—236.
  41. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. — С. 58—59.
  42. ↑ 1 2 Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 580 год, гл. 2 .
  43. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VI , 18.
  44. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 243—244.
  45. ↑ 1 2 Исидор Севильский . История готов, гл. 50 .
  46. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VIII , 46.
  47. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 244—245.
  48. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. — С. 61—62.
  49. ↑ 1 2 3 4 Исидор Севильский . История готов, гл. 51 .
  50. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 237.
  51. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 237—238.
  52. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 238—239.
  53. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 578 год, гл. 4 .
  54. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 240—241.
  55. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 239—240.
  56. ↑ Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 242—243.
  57. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. — С. 60—61.
  58. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 585 год, гл. 2 .
  59. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 585 год, гл. 5 .
  60. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VIII , 35.
  61. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 585 год, гл. 6 .
  62. ↑ Исидор Севильский . История свевов, гл. 92 .
  63. ↑ 1 2 Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. — С. 236.
  64. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VIII , 30.
  65. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 585 год, гл. 4 .
  66. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VIII , 38.
  67. ↑ Григорий Турский . История франков, кн. VIII , 45.
  68. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. — С. 59.
  69. ↑ Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов. - S. 62.
  70. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 586 год, гл. 2 .
  71. ↑ Хроника вестготских королей, гл. 18 .
  72. ↑ Salazar y Castro, L. de (1696) Historia genealogica de la Casa de Lara (Madrid), Vol 1, p. 45
  73. ↑ Иоанн Бикларский . Хроника, 589 год, гл. 1 .

Literature

  • Хроника вестготских королей // Опыт тысячелетия. Средние века и эпоха Возрождения: быт, нравы, идеалы / Сост. М. Тимофеев, В. Дряхлов, Олег Кудрявцев, И. Дворецкая, С. Крыкин. — М. : Юристъ, 1996. — 576 с. - 5,000 copies. — ISBN 5-7357-0043-X .
  • Григорий Турский . История франков = Historia Francorum . — М. : Наука , 1987. — 464 с.
  • Клауде Дитрих. История вестготов / Пер. with him. С. В. Иванова. - SPb. : Издательская группа «Евразия», 2002. — 285 с. — 2 000 экз. — ISBN 5-8071-0115-4 .
  • Циркин Ю. Б. Античные и раннесредневековые источники по истории Испании. - SPb. : Филологический факультет СПбГУ; Изд-во С.-Петерб. ун-та, 2006. — 360 с. - 1000 copies. — ISBN 5-8465-0516-3 , ISBN 5-288-04094-X .
  • Циркин Ю. Б. Испания от античности к средневековью. - SPb. : Филологический факультет СПбГУ ; Нестор-История, 2010. — 456 с. — 700 экз. — ISBN 978-5-98187-528-1 .
  • Западная Европа . // Rulers of the World. Chronological and genealogical tables on world history in 4 vols. / Compiled by V.V. Erlikhman . — Т. 2.

Links

  • Foundation for Medieval Genealogy. Леовигильд
  • Genealogie Mittelalter. Леовигильд
  • Монеты Леовигильда
Источник — https://ru.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Леовигильд&oldid=101448009


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