Battle of Marathon

Modern statue of Herodotus at the Vienna Parliament

The main extant source describing the Marathon battle is the 6th book of the History of Herodotus . The “father of history” approach to writing my work is “ my duty is to transfer everything that is told, but, of course, I do not have to believe everything. And I will follow this rule in all my historical work ” ^[1] - causes certain criticism. The accuracy of the information in his " History " is different. Separate stories can be attributed to the stories and legends. At the same time, special studies confirm the data of Herodotus. When writing his historical works, he used the works of logographers , records of oracles , official monuments (lists of magistrates , priests and priestesses, etc.), eyewitness accounts, and oral legends. Also, Herodotus was not alien to political bias. While living in Athens, he very much appreciates their contribution to the final victory over the Persians. About Sparta, he writes with restraint, without denying her merits in the war. He is particularly negative about the Thebes who betrayed the general Hellenic case ^[2] .

Ctesias to a certain extent complements and at the same time opposes himself to Herodotus ^[3] . Being a hereditary physician, he was captured by the Persians and eventually became a courtier of the king Artaxerxes II . Being the attending physician of the Persian ruler, Ctesias allegedly got access to archival materials. Upon returning to his homeland, he wrote the Persian Story ( ancient Greek Περσικκ ).

Ctesias is criticized by both ancient and modern researchers. The inaccuracy and fabulousness of the data he cited was noted by Aristotle , Theopomp , Strabo , Lucian, and Plutarch . Modern historians have questioned the very fact of the use of Ctesias official Persian chronicles ^[4] . Arguing with the predecessor historians, he rewrote much of them, changing only the details. Ctesias accuses Herodotus of lies and writing. At the same time, modern historians note the presence of fictional characters in his Persian history ^[3] . Also, Ctesias makes gross mistakes ^[5] in the dating of the events and in estimating the number of troops ^[6] .

Ancient historians-biographers Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos, who lived much later, also paid attention to the events of the Greek-Persian wars. Information about the battle of Marathon is given in the biographies of Aristide by Plutarch and Miltiades by Cornelius Nepos.

Pausanias, who lived seven centuries later, describes the preserved 4 grave mounds with stelae at the battle site - one for the Athenians, another for the Plateyans, the third for the slaves participating in the battle. Also, according to the ancient Greek geographer, Miltiada was subsequently buried in the Marathon valley ^[7] . The burial on the battlefield is mentioned in his “ History ” by Thucydides ^[8] . Archaeological excavations confirm information from ancient sources. During excavations of the famous amateur archaeologist G. Schliemann and V. Stais , burials described by Pausanias and Thucydides were discovered ^[9] .

Situation in Athens

After the death of the tyrant Peisistratus in 527 BC. er power passed to his sons Hipparch and Hippia ^[10] . After the murder of Hipparchus in 514 BC. er Hippie, a survivor, surrounded himself with mercenaries, with whom he hoped to retain power. In 510 BC. er Spartan king Cleomenes undertook a military campaign against Athens, as a result of which the tyrant was overthrown. The representative of the Alkmeonid Klisfen family returned to Athens. He was entrusted with the preparation of new laws. The innovations implemented by him made Athens a democracy ( ancient Greek δημοκρατία ) ^[11] . He also introduced ostracism - the expulsion from the city by voting of prominent citizens who threatened democracy ^[12] . Innovations Cleisthenes not like the representatives of the Athenian aristocracy - eupatridam . Having managed to elect their representative Isagor as the archon , they expelled Cleisthenes and abolished his reforms. Isagora and his supporters were supported by the Spartans. Demos resisted this change, raised a rebellion and managed to expel both Isagora and the Spartans from Athens ^[13] .

After their expulsion, the power of the city began to grow. However, residents were afraid of revenge from the Spartans. The fear of their army was so great that Klisfen sent in 508/507 BC. er ^[14] Embassy in Sardis to the Persian satrap and brother to the king Artafern . The purpose of the envoys was to provide a defensive alliance against the Spartans. The Persians demanded from the Athenians "land and water" ^[15] . Ambassadors agreed. This symbolic act meant a formal recognition of his submission. Although the ambassadors were “severely condemned” when they returned home, the Persians began to consider the Athenians to be their subjects, like the Ionian Greeks. Further disobedience was viewed by them as a rebellion. One of the main goals of the subsequent military campaigns of the Achaemenid Empire in Greece (the campaign of Mardonius 492 BC, the expedition of Datis and Artafern in 490 BC, as well as the invasion of the army of Xerxes) was the conquest of Athens ^[16] .

Beginning of the Greek-Persian Wars

In 499 BC. er Greek polis in the territory of Asia Minor , under the authority of the Persian king, revolted. Representatives of the rebels went to their kindred Greeks on the western coast of the Aegean Sea . The Spartans did not want to enter into a military conflict with the Persians, while the Athenians decided to send 20 ships to help ^{[17] [18]} . The rebels, together with the Athenians, managed to capture and burn the important city of the empire and the capital of satrapy Sarda. Darius wanted to take revenge on the Greeks who had participated in the uprising and were not subject to his power ^{[19] [20]} .

Darius also saw an opportunity to conquer scattered ancient Greek cities ^[19] . In 492 BC. er during the military expedition of the Persian commander Mardonius was conquered by Thrace , Macedonia recognized the supreme authority of the Persian king ^[21] . Thus, the Persians provided their land forces with a passage to the territory of ancient Greece.

In 491 BC. er Darius sent envoys to all independent Greek cities demanding "land and water", which corresponded to the submission and recognition of the power of the Persians. Aware of the strength and military might of the Achaemenid state , all the cities of ancient Hellas , except for Sparta and Athens, accepted humiliating demands. In Athens, ambassadors were tried and executed. In Sparta, they were thrown into a well, offering to take land and water from there ^{[22] [23]} .

Expedition Datis and Artaferna

Darius removed Mardonius from command and appointed his nephew Artafern to take his place, giving him an experienced commander of the Mede Dathis . The main objectives of the military expedition were the conquest or subjugation of Athens and Eretria on the island of Evia , which also provided assistance to the rebels, as well as the Cyclades and Naxos . According to Herodotus , Darius ordered Datis and Artafern "to enslave the inhabitants of Athens and Eretria and bring before his royal eyes" ^[24] . During the expedition there was also the former tyrant of Athens Hippias .

During the expedition, the Persian army conquered Naxos and landed on the island of Evia. When this happened, the inhabitants of Eretria decided not to leave the city and try to endure the siege. The army of the Persians was not limited to a siege, but tried to take the city by storm. Herodotus wrote that the struggle was fierce, and both sides suffered heavy losses. Nevertheless, after six days of fighting, two noble Eretrians, Euphorbe and Filagr, opened the gates to the enemy. The Persians entered the city, looted it, burned temples and shrines in retaliation for the burning of Sard. The captured citizens were turned into slavery ^[25] .

After conquering Eretria, the Persians sailed towards Attica . On the advice of the former Athenian tyrant Hippius who was part of their army, they landed on a plain near the city ​​of Marathon ^[26] . For the conquerors, it had a number of advantages. First, the plain was closest to Eretria. The harbor was comfortable and safe. In the valley, the Persians could find rich and untouched pastures on which horses could be grazed. Also, Datis and Artafern did not even think about a battle in an open field, but assumed that the Athenians would confine themselves to the defense of the walls of their city. According to Gippiya, one could get out of the valley along convenient roads directly to Athens ^[27] .

Learning of this, the Athenians also sent their troops to Marathon. At the head of the army according to ancient tradition were ten strategists ^[28] . Militia from Plata also came to the rescue . Opinions of strategists regarding further action radically diverged. Some spoke out against the battle due to the small number of troops, while others, on the contrary, advised to enter the battle. Then the strategist Miltiades addressed the polemarch Kallimah , on whose decision the final decision depended, with the words ^[29] :

In his own words, Miltiades convinced Callimachus of the need for an immediate battle. After making a principled decision to give battle, and not to adhere to defensive tactics, all strategists, following Aristide, gave up their command to Miltiades ^{[30] [31] [32]} .

An army of Athenians and Plateans arrived at the place where the Persians landed. The plain represented a vast territory, which stretched from south to northeast along the sea and was divided by a waterfall falling from the Pentel Range into two halves. Its southern part was bounded by the mountain Pentelicon , which reached directly to the sea coast. The northern half of the plain, distant from Athens, was also surrounded by mountain ranges. The width of the flat space was apparent. Extensive marshlands stretched to the northeast, the green surface of which was deceiving the eye ^[31] .

Miltiades ordered to camp on the tops of the Pentel Range, thus blocking the only road to Athens. It was for her that Hippias intended to conduct the Persians. For several days, both troops stood opposite each other and did not undertake any military actions ^[31] .

Greek Forces

Herodot does not provide data on the number of the Greek army that participated in the Battle of Marathon. Cornelius Nepos ^[33] and Pausanias ^[34] speak of 9 thousand Athenians and a thousand Platonese. Roman historian of the 3rd century AD er Justin writes about 10 thousand Athenians and a thousand Platonese ^[35] . These figures are comparable to the number of warriors who, according to Herodotus, participated in the battle of Platae 11 years after the events described ^[36] . In his essay "Description of Hellas", Pausanias, while telling about the marathon valley, indicates the presence of mass graves on her - Athenians, Plateans and slaves, who were first attracted to military battles during the battle ^[37] . Modern historians generally agree with the number of Greeks who participated in the battle in the ancient sources ^{[38] [39]} .

Army of Persians

According to Herodotus, initially the fleet of Persians was 600 ships. At the same time, he does not indicate the numbers of the troops directly, saying only that it was “numerous and perfectly equipped” ^[40] . For ancient sources is characterized by an overestimation of the number of the army of his defeated enemy. This made the victories of the Hellenes even more heroic. In the dialogue of Plato "Menexen" ^[41] and "The Gravestone Word" Lysii ^[42] indicates 500 thousand. The Roman historian Cornelius Nepos, who lived much later, estimates the strength of the army of Datis and Artafern at 200,000 infantrymen and 10,000 horsemen ^[43] . The largest figure of 600 thousand is found in Justin ^[35] .

Modern historians estimate an army invading the territory of Hellas on average at 25 thousand foot soldiers and one thousand horsemen (although there are figures at 100 thousand) ^{[44] [45] [46] [47] [39]} .

Comparative characteristics of the Greek and Persian troops

The army of the Persians consisted of representatives of many nations and tribes, subject to the Achaemenid Empire. The warriors of each nation had their own weapons and armor. Herodotus's detailed description states that the Persians and Medes wore soft felt hats, pants, and motley chitons . Their armor was collected from iron scales like fish scales, shields woven from twigs. In service they had short spears and large bows with reed arrows. On the right thigh was a sword-dagger ( akinak ). Warriors of other tribes were much worse armed, mostly with bows, and often just with clubs and burned stakes. From protective equipment, in addition to shields, Herodotus mentions copper, leather and even wooden helmets ^[48] .

The Greek phalanx was a dense military structure of heavily armed warriors in several rows. During the battle, the main task was to preserve its integrity: the place of the fallen warrior was occupied by another, who stood behind him. The main factor influencing the development of the phalanx was the use of a large round shield ( hoplon ) and a closed Corinthian helmet . Leather belts were fastened on the inner surface of the goplon, through which a hand was inserted. Thus, the shield was held on the left forearm. The warrior controlled the shield, holding the belt closer to its edge ^[49] .

Protecting the hoplite on the left, such a shield left the right half of the body open. Because of this, in the Greek phalanx, the warriors had to keep a tight line so that each hoplite would cover its neighbor on the left, being covered by a neighbor on the right. For a Greek, losing a shield in battle was considered dishonorable, as it was used not only for his own safety, but also to protect the entire rank. The head of the hoplite in the 6th — 5th centuries. BC er protected a bronze helmet of the Corinthian (or "Dorian") type , which was worn on a felt-lined hat. A deaf Corinthian helmet provided complete head protection, but was constrained by lateral vision and hearing. The warrior saw only the enemy in front of him, which did not pose a particular danger in a dense military formation.

At the time of the Greco-Persian Wars, so-called “anatomical” bronze shells were still common, consisting of chest and dorsal plates. The plates in relief with sculptural precision reproduced the muscular contours of the male torso. Under the armor, the hoplites wore linen tunics , and the Spartans traditionally took shelter over their armor with red cloaks. The disadvantage of bronze cuirass were unprotected thighs. In this era, so-called linothoraxes have already appeared, shells based on many layers of glue-impregnated flax, which a few decades later ousted "anatomical" bronze shells in Greece. Linothorax allowed to cover the thighs, not constraining the movements of the warrior ^[49] .

The structure of the protective equipment also included bronze greaves . They repeated the relief of the front of the lower leg to fit tightly around the legs and not interfere with walking ^[49] .

German anti-historian Ernst Curcius, based on the analysis and comparison of the descriptions of the Marathon battle and the events preceding it, explains why Miltiades attacked the enemy army on the morning of September 12, 490 BC. e., without waiting for the aid of the Spartan army. He draws attention to the fact that in all the sources that have reached us there is no description of the actions of the cavalry, on which the Persians had high hopes. At certain stages of the battle, it could play a crucial role. Also, Curcius is surprised at the speed with which the Persian troops were allegedly landed on ships. In conditions of complete defeat, this is unlikely. Based on this, the German historian comes to the conclusion that the Persians, seeing the fortified positions of the Athenians and Plateans on the mountain slopes, abandoned the idea of ​​going to Athens through the Marathon Pass. They preferred to land in a more convenient for maneuver place, where there would be no mountain passes and the only well-fortified road. Curtius concludes that Miltiades launched his attack only when the Persian army was divided and cavalry units were already loaded onto ships. Thus, he attacked the troops left behind and covering the departure of the army. With these assumptions, it becomes clear why the Athenians did not wait for the professional Spartans who marched in the march ^[50] .

The distance between the Greeks and the Persians was at least 8 stages (about 1.5 kilometers). Miltiades lined up his army in battle order — the Athenians commanded by Callimachus were on the right flank, the Plateans were on the left flank, the center was occupied by citizens from Phil Leontides and Antiochids under the command of Themistocles and Aristides . The battle line of the Hellenes was equal in width to the Persian, but its center was only a few rows deep. It was in the center that the Greek army was the weakest. On the flanks of the battle line was built much deeper ^[51] .

After building the Greeks began the offensive. According to Herodotus, they ran all 8 stages ^[52] . Modern researchers emphasize the impossibility of such an attack for heavily armed soldiers without disrupting combat order ^[53] . Делается предположение, что первую часть пути афиняне и платейцы прошли маршем и лишь после достижения расстояния, когда до них стали долетать вражеские стрелы (около 200 м), устремились бегом ^[54] . Для персов нападение стало неожиданным. Как подчёркивает Геродот ^[55] , «они первыми из всех эллинов […] напали на врагов бегом и не устрашились вида мидийского одеяния и воинов, одетых по-мидийски. До сих пор даже ведь одно имя мидян приводило в страх эллинов».

Битва длилась долго. В центре боевой линии, где стояли отборные отряды армии Датиса и Артаферна — персы и саки , а греческая линия была слабой, эллины начали отступать. Персы прорвали ряды афинян и стали их преследовать. Однако на обоих флангах победу одержали греки. Вместо преследования отступающих врагов они повернули и атаковали прорвавшие центр войска. В результате среди персов началась паника, и они стали беспорядочно отступать к кораблям. Грекам удалось захватить семь вражеских судов ^[56] .

Согласно Геродоту, потери греков составили всего 192 афинянина, среди которых были полемарх Каллимах и брат Эсхила Кинегир . Потери персов «отец истории» оценивает в 6400 человек. Судьба одного из главных военачальников империи Ахеменидов Датиса разнится в различных античных источниках. Так, согласно Геродоту, Датис возвратился обратно в Азию ^[57] . Согласно использовавшему персидские летописи Ктесию , Датис погиб во время сражения. Более того, греки отказались выдать персам тело их военачальника ^[58] .

В Афинах существовала влиятельная «проперсидская» партия. Согласно Геродоту, врагу был дан условный сигнал щитом с вершины горы Пентеликон ^[59] . Впоследствии распространилась молва, что это сделали Алкмеониды , предав таким образом общегреческое дело ^[60] . Отчалив от Марафона, персидские суда направились к Суниону ^[59] , чтобы, обогнув его, захватить Афины. Город оставался беззащитным, так как всё ополчение находилось на поле боя на расстоянии в 42 км. Планы врагов были вовремя разгаданы Мильтиадом. Победителям при Марафоне не суждено было отдохнуть после боя. Оставив отряд во главе с Аристидом для охраны пленных и военных трофеев, греческая армия в полном вооружении совершила форсированный марш к Афинам. Когда персы достигли Фалерской бухты, то обнаружили, что вся греческая армия снова стоит перед ними ^[61] . Увидев, что город надёжно охраняется, персы не решились на сражение и отплыли домой ^[62] .

На следующий день к Афинам прибыла спартанская армия, пройдя расстояние от Спарты (220 км) за 3 дня. Опоздав к сражению, они осмотрели поле боя, воздали хвалу афинянам и возвратились домой ^{[63] [64]} . Погибшие были удостоены величайших по меркам древних афинян почестей — их похоронили на поле боя ^{[8] [65]} .

Победителям при Марафоне Симонид посвятил одну из своих эпиграмм ^[66] :

Развеяв миф о непобедимости персов, битва при Марафоне значительно подняла боевой дух афинян и впоследствии осталась в их памяти как символ величия Афин ^[62] . О том значении, которое придавали греки данной победе, свидетельствует большое количество памятников и цитат, посвящённых Марафону.

Значение битвы по-разному оценивалось воюющими сторонами. Для эллинов она стала первой победой над войском империи Ахеменидов ^[67] . Для персов поражение их армии не имело больших последствий. Их государство находилось на пике могущества и обладало огромными ресурсами. После этой неудачной экспедиции Дарий стал собирать огромное войско для покорения всей Греции. Его планам помешало восстание в Египте ^[22] в 486 году до н. er В том же году Дарий умер. Его трон занял Ксеркс . Подавив египетское восстание, молодой царь продолжил подготовку к походу на Грецию ^[68] .

За 10 лет, которые прошли от сражения при Марафоне до нового вторжения персов в Элладу, одним из участников битвы Фемистоклом был проведён ряд реформ по созданию в Афинах мощного флота ^{[69] [70]} . Именно его действия впоследствии привели к полному поражению армии Ксеркса.

С битвой при Марафоне связано несколько легенд. Согласно одной из них, дошедшей до нас из «Истории» Геродота, афиняне отправили некоего гонца Фидиппида в Спарту, чтобы он поторопил лакедемонян с выступлением в поход. По дороге к нему явился бог Пан и сказал, что благосклонно относится к жителям Афин, которые им пренебрегают, и придёт на помощь ^[71] . Согласно легенде, бог сдержал своё обещание ^{[72] [73]} , после чего ему ежегодно стали приносить жертвы ^[74] . Предание может иметь символический характер, так как от имени данного мифологического персонажа происходит слово « паника », которую Пан внушал при своём появлении. Возникшая паника среди войска персов была одним из важных факторов победы эллинов.

Согласно другой легенде, сражающимся явился призрак легендарного героя Тесея ^[75] . В описании портика на афинском акрополе — расписной стои — Павсаний говорит об изображении на картине, посвящённой битве, и других богов-покровителей города ^[76] . Таким образом, долю победы в столь важной для них битве греки приписывали богам.

Другая недостоверная историческая легенда дала название спортивной дисциплине — марафонскому бегу (бегу на 42 км 195 м ^[78] ). Согласно Плутарху, писавшему свои труды спустя более чем 500 лет после описываемых событий, Мильтиад отправил гонца Евкла в Афины с вестью о победе. Пробежав сразу после боя около 40 километров к городу, скороход выкрикнул «Радуйтесь, афиняне, мы победили!» и умер ^[79] . Лукиан трансформирует имя Плутархова гонца Евкла в Геродотова Фидиппида ^[80] . Указанный Геродотом Фидиппид должен был бы пробежать несколько сотен километров (расстояние от Марафона до Спарты, оттуда обратно с посланием в Марафон, участвовать в битве, а затем со всеми греками вернуться быстрым бегом к Афинам — около 500 км) ^[81] . Так как к Афинам направлялся не один человек, а вся армия, легенда не выдерживает критики. Учитывая явную историческую недостоверность марафонского бега Фидиппида, с 1983 года группой энтузиастов ежегодно устраивается спартатлон — пробег между Афинами и Спартой в 246 км.

В античных Афинах в шестой день третьего месяца ( Боедромиона ) проводился праздник в честь Марафонской победы ^[82] ).

Когда во главе Афин стал сын победителя битвы при Марафоне Мильтиада Кимон , то по его поручению на северной стороне Агоры (центральной площади) была воздвигнута одна из самых знаменитых построек древних Афин — Расписная стоя . Она представляла собой портик, расписанный лучшими художниками того времени. Одна из картин изображала отца Кимона Мильтиада во время битвы при Марафоне. В целом росписи Стои современные исследователи считают образцом монументальной пропаганды раннеклассической эпохи ^[83] . Также памятник в честь сражения был установлен около южной стены Афинского акрополя ^[84] .

Поэтическое описание битвы дано в стихотворном цикле «Марафон» немецкого поэта Георга Гейма ^[85] . Лорд Байрон , принимавший участие в греческой революции против Османской империи , в своём произведении « Паломничество Чайльд-Гарольда » обращается к патриотическим чувствам греков, напоминая об их былых победах.

В 2010 году Национальный банк Греции выпустил памятную биметаллическую монету номиналом в 2 евро, тиражом 2,5 млн экземпляров, посвящённую 2500-летию Марафонской битвы. На реверсе монеты изображены щит и воин, которые обозначают борьбу за свободу и благородные идеалы. Птица на щите символизирует рождение западной цивилизации в её нынешнем виде ^[86] .

• Геродот. История VI
• Корнелий Непот. Мильтиад
• Плутарх. Аристид и Марк Катон
• Плутарх. Comparative biographies .

• Дельбрюк Г. Сражение при Марафоне // История военного искусства в рамках политической истории. — М. : Директмедиа Паблишинг, 2005.
• Curtius E. History of Ancient Greece. — Мн. : Харвест, 2002. — Т. 2. — С. 215—232. - 416 s. - 3000 copies — ISBN 985-13-1119-7 .
• Рунг Э. В. Греция и Ахеменидская держава: история дипломатических взаимоотношений в VI—IV вв. BC э.. — СПб. : Факультет филологии и искусств СПбГУ, 2008. — 484 с. — (Историческая библиотека). — ISBN 978-5-8465-0851-4 .
• Сергеев В. С. Глава IX. Греко-персидские войны // История Древней Греции. — М. : АСТ, 2008. — 926 с. - 3000 copies — ISBN 978-5-17-052484-6 .
• Суриков И. Е. Клеомен I: «рождение личности» в Спарте // Античная Греция: политики в контексте эпохи: архаика и ранняя классика . — М. : Наука, 2005. — С. 212—269. — 351 с. — ISBN 5-02-010347-0 .
• Суриков И. Е. Глава V. Мильтиад, или осужденный победитель // Античная Греция: политики в контексте эпохи: архаика и ранняя классика . — М. : Наука, 2005. — С. 271—325. — 351 с. — ISBN 5-02-010347-0 .
• Davis P. 100 Decisive Battles. — Oxford: University Press, 1999. — ISBN 1-57607-075-1 .
• Giessen , HW Mythos Marathon, Landau: Verlag Empirische Pädagogik, 2010. — ISBN 978-3-941320-46-8
• Green P. The Greco-Persian Wars. — University of California Press. — 1996. — ISBN 0-520-20313-5 .
• Holland T. Persian Fire: The First World Empire and the Battle for the West. — New York: Doubleday, 2005. — ISBN 0-385-51311-9 .
• Lazenby JF The Defense of Greece 490–479 BCE. — Aris & Phillips Ltd, 1993. — ISBN 0-85668-591-7 .
• Lloyd A. Marathon: The Crucial Battle That Created Western Democracy. — Souvenir Press, 2004. — ISBN 0-285-63688-X .
• Андреев Ю. В., Кошеленко Г. А., Кузищин В. И., Маринович Л. П. История Древней Греции / Кузищин В. И. — М. : Высш. шк, 2001. — 399 с. — 10 000 экз. — ISBN 5-06-003676-6 .