Jacobins

Since the formation of the French Academy by Cardinal Richelieu in 1635, one of the goals of which was the unification and study of the French language, many salons, societies, and circles have appeared in most large urban centers of France. Naturally, by the time the General States convened in 1789, not only literature and ideas of the Enlightenment , but also political issues were discussed in these societies ^[4] . So the third class deputies from Brittany , among them Le Chapelle - a lawyer from Rennes , Lanzhuyne - a lawyer from Brest , , , , on arrival in Versailles even before the opening of the General States, organized a discussion a community that went down in history as the Breton Club and gathered in one of the Versailles cafes ^[5] .

Gradually, they were joined by like-minded deputies from other provinces, including Mirabeau , Siyes , Duke d'Egillon , Viscount Noyle , Barnave , Petion , Volney , Abbot Gregoire , Brothers Charles and Alexander Lameth , lawyer from Arras Maximilian Robespierre . Club members usually met on the eve of important meetings of the States General and outlined a common course of action. Soon, however, it became clear that in a meeting where nobles and clergy had an idea equal to the third class, even a well-organized party could not constitute a majority. It became clear that support was needed from outside the assembly, the formation of public opinion, when individuals could turn to the meeting with petitions, influence local governments, support discussion of pressing issues in the press ^[6] .

When the king and the National Assembly moved to Paris, the Breton Club collapsed, but its former members began to gather again, first in a Paris private house, then in the room they hired in the monastery of the Jacobin monks (Dominican order) near the arena where the National Assembly met. Some of the monks took part in the meetings; therefore royalists nicknamed members of the club in mock Jacobins, they themselves adopted the name "Society of Friends of the Constitution".

Attempt to escape the king is one of the most important events of the revolution. Internally, this was obvious evidence of the incompatibility of monarchy and revolutionary France and destroyed the attempt to establish a constitutional monarchy. Outwardly, this hastened the approach of a military conflict with monarchical Europe ^[7] .

The Paris Jacobin Club ( fr. Societe-mere ) initially united all the groups of the left Constituent Assembly: from Mirabeau to Robespierre. But gradually political differentiation began in its ranks, which then extended to "popular societies" in the departments. Already in April 1790, the most conservative wing of the constitutionalists — the supporters of Mirabeau and Lafayette — were separated from the Jacobins; they formed the club-salon “The Society of 1789” in the luxurious apartments of Palais-Royal. Among the members of this society (and their number was limited to 600, the membership fee was even higher than that of the Jacobins) in addition to Lafayette and Mirabeau such persons as Sieyès, Bailly, Condorcet , Talleyrand, Le Chapelier. But many of them, including Mirabeau, remained members of the Jacobin Club at the same time. Until the summer of 1791. The Jacobin Club was the political headquarters of the main constitutionalist group that rallied around the Lameth brothers, Barnava, Dupore. However, the influence of more left groups grew in the club, one of which united around Brisso , the other around Robespierre ^[8] .

Escape has changed the situation. By this time, none of the Jacobins, including the left wing - Robespierre , Petion , Rederer , Buzot , did not adhere or expressed republican views ^[9] . For the first time since the beginning of the Revolution, the press began to openly discuss the possibility of establishing a republic. However, the constitutionalists, not wanting to deepen the crisis and question the fruits of almost two years of work on the Constitution, took the king under protection and said that he had been kidnapped. The cordeliers urged citizens to hold on July 17 at the Champ de Mars collection of signatures on a petition demanding the king's abdication. City authorities banned manifestation. On the Field of Mars arrived the mayor of Bayi and Lafayette with a detachment of the National Guard. National guardsmen opened fire, killing a few dozen people ^[10] .

The events led to deep divisions and a split in the Jacobin Club; the moderate part, among which were many deputies of the Legislative Assembly , led by Barnav, Dupor and Alexander Lamet, in large numbers left the club and founded a new club called the Club of Feulyans ^[11] . They took most of the members, as well as the club's branches across the country. About 400 provincial clubs took the side of the Féléans, and only about a dozen remaining - the Jacobins. Robespierre remained. It was at this time Robespierre becomes the most famous and influential member of the Jacobin Club. In the next few months, together with the radicalization of the country, agitation and clarification, many returned. Prieur , Gregoire, Barer , , Talleyrand , and Siyes returned in late July. By September, the membership of the club increased to 800, and soon about 500 provincial clubs requested affiliation ( fr. Affiliations ) with the Paris club ^[12] .

The split led to the rapprochement of the Jacobins and other popular movements of Paris, aided by new democratic slogans - republicanism, the right to universal suffrage, the abolition of slavery in the colonies. These events, the split and change in the political orientation of the club, were one of the main turning points of the revolution, which, as Francois Fure writes, consecrated a year later with the fall of the monarchy and the proclamation of the republic ^[11] .

In preserving and even increasing the influence of the club, to a large extent was the result of the work of one of the most important committees of the club - the correspondence committee ( fr. Comité de Correspondance ), whose members now were Robespierre, Brissot, Carré, Demoulen, Clavière, Collo-Derbua, Biyo-Varennes . The future Montagnards, the future Girondins, the future Hebertists and the Dantonists are the whole future of the revolution, temporarily united. Preparing for the debate in the assembly was no longer the goal of the club. The public began to be admitted to meetings from October 12, 1791, with the advent of the public increased pressure on the debate of the club from the Paris activists. The club began to turn into a kind of revolution headquarters ^[13] .

The influence of the Jacobins on the Legislative Assembly was relatively small, and it was the Jacobin Club that was the tribune of Brissot’s “messianic” agitation and his like-minded people before declaring war on Austria. It was in the club in December 1791 and January 1792 that Robespierre made his famous anti-war speeches. The differences between the Girondins and the Montagnards were rather blurred. After the catastrophic start of the war and the radicalization of the revolution, the club became a rallying point between the Paris sections and the revolutionary federations that arrived in Paris in the movement to overthrow the monarchy. The legalist trend was abandoned once and for all in July 1792 in support of the election of a new assembly that reflected the new balance of forces — the National Convention ^[14] .

The Jacobins were not a political party in the modern sense, and it is therefore difficult to find any centralized beginning in the events leading up to the August 10 uprising and the overthrow of the king. But the participation of the Jacobins in the struggle for the predominance in the Paris sections, agitation and fraternization with the federations arriving from the provinces is well known. The revolutionary committee of the rebellious commune included the Jacobins, who were in the most important posts after the fall of the Tuileries and the victory of the rebels. The same can be said about the largest rival of the Jacobin Club - the Cordelier Club. The composition of the revolutionary Commune was increased to 288 members with the predominant influence of the Jacobins. For Francois Fure, the contribution of the club was the crucible ( fr. Le creuset ), in which the very spirit of the revolution of August 10, the fall of the monarchy and the proclamation of the republic was forged ^[13] .

For victory, Jacobinism fully mobilized national feeling and striving for equality. National unity was revived after August 10 around the "Society of Friends of Freedom and Equality" ( Fr. Amis de la Liberté et de l'Égalité ), as the Jacobins began to call themselves. The Paris Commune considered the club to be its ally. The very name of the club, originally given as a mockery, has now become a proud title. Volunteers leaving for the front considered the Jacobin emblem to be a sign of real citizenship and patriotism, before which all the enemies of the revolution would shudder in horror ^[15] .

The National Convention , which opened on September 21, 1792, was initially weakly influenced by the Jacobin Club. The reasons for this are to be found in the popularity of the Girondists , whose leaders, thanks to their eloquence, dominated the Convention and carried the hesitant center behind them ( “Marsh” ). But soon the struggle began between the Jacobins and the Girondins both in the Convention and in the Jacobin Club. In the first, the Girondists prevailed, trying to attract their leaders and deputies of Paris to their side. The central club was very concerned about the attitude of the provincial clubs to it, after the commune and anarchist elements of Paris were subordinated to this leadership, the crisis of the crisis accelerated: the uprising of May 31 and June 2 led to the removal of the Girondists from the convention and their arrest. This victory unleashed the Jacobin club and placed a new role on it - the organization of government power and control over it. At the same time, the club moved from the opposition to the dominant position and therefore entered into a struggle with opposition elements. At the same time, the new government body becomes the head of the highest government body that manages both the executive power (ministry) and the legislative ( convention ). The Jacobin Club has become the mentor of the central government body, but France has not yet been conquered; local authorities in many cases still held the policies of the fallen party. The club seizes power over the province through local Jacobin clubs. On July 27, a law is passed that threatens all local authorities, military commanders and individuals with 5 or 10 years of imprisonment in chains for resisting "popular societies" (sociétés populaires) or for dissolving them.

On the other hand, the Jacobin Club defends the government, that is, its policy on the left, that is, against extreme revolutionaries, whose core continues to be the Cordeliers Club, who often transferred the struggle to the meetings of the Jacobin Club itself. Although the constitution of 1793 compiled by the Jacobin party in the convention found itself to be hot defenders in the Jacobin Club, it did not at all correspond to the real goal of the main leaders of this party. The Jacobins held and defended it in order to eliminate the constitution drawn up by the Girondists on the basis of direct democracy. The Jacobin constitution was somewhat more moderate in this respect, but nevertheless it also provided the supreme power to the masses - and this was not at all part of the plans of the Jacobins. Representing a minority in the country, they did not want to let power out of their hands. The seizure of power by the Jacobins came not only from their position: it was a consequence of their political temperament and a condition for the realization of their political ideals.

The crisis in the history of the revolution has come, which breaks it into two opposing halves - the era of the desire for freedom, which has passed into anarchy, and the era of desire for the centralization of power, which has passed into terror. In this change of the front of the revolution, the Jacobin Club played a prominent role, preparing the crisis, instilling appropriate measures to the parties and the convention and defending the new program in Paris and in the provinces through its ramifications. The club itself acted mostly under the suggestion of Robespierre.

On June 2, 1793, tens of thousands of armed Parisians and troops of the National Guard surrounded the Convention . At the request and under pressure of the rebels, the deputies of the Convention decided to remove the Girondists from its composition. Many of them were later arrested, part - executed. Power passed to the Jacobin club and to its leaders - Robespierre , Marat, Danton. July 13, 1793 Marat was killed.

In the meantime, the Convention adopted in June a new constitution , which proclaimed France a republic . The situation was heating up and as the situation in the rear and at the front worsened, the Convention passed the Suspicious Act in September, which ordered the arrest of all “suspects”. Those were declared "enemies of the revolution and the republic, sympathizing with tyranny," whom the commissioners of the Convention suspected, relatives of the emigrants. Under these conditions, everyone could be among the “suspicious”.

At this point, the last Girondists were arrested. One of their leaders before execution was pronounced the famous words: "The revolution ... devours its own children ."

Meanwhile, the terror was growing. Prisons were filled with "suspicious." Loud political processes followed one after another. In October 1793, the former Queen of France, Marie-Antoinette , was executed. Executions have become a mass phenomenon. The commissioners of the Convention "put things in order" in the cities of France and in the army.

On October 9, 1793, after a two-month siege, Lyon was taken, whose residents on May 29 overthrew the Jacobin city administration and for this they were declared the Convention "enemies of the revolution". The convention passed a decree by which Lyon was to be destroyed. Thousands of people remaining in the city were shot or guillotined.

The matter ended, however, with the fall of Robespierre 9 Thermidor . The club president was executed along with Robespierre; whose death was a disaster for the Jacobin Club. True, a few days later the club was reopened by a party that overthrew Robespierre - by the Thermidorians who wanted to make it their weapon. But the Jacobin Club again became a gathering of the faithful Jacobins. When, at the end of August, the convention adopted, at the insistence of the leaders of the Thermidorians, Talien and Freron , a resolution on freedom of the press, the Jacobin Club decisively opposed this measure, which “would destroy a terrorist government”; a few days later, Tallien and Freron were forced to return their membership cards and leave the meeting.

This victory of the Jacobins revived the club’s relations with the provincial clubs, but that is why it raised the question of the position of these former instruments of terror and their relationship to the central club. To maintain its influence, the Paris Club turned to the provincial; the convention responded to this by addressing the French people, in which there are characteristic words: “no association (society) is a people; никто не должен говорить и действовать его именем». Это было осуждением того толкования идеи народовластия, которое способствовало захвату власти якобинскими клубами. Неделю спустя Дельма, бывший президент Якобинского клуба, внёс в конвент проект закона, направленного против клубов и воспрещавшего «всякие аффилиации ^[16] , сношения и переписку между обществами одинакового наименования, как подрывающие правительство и единство республики».

Опутавшая Францию крепкая паутина, сотканная якобинцами, была разорвана. Временный перерыв террора вызвал в различных классах общества ожесточение против «террористов». Якобинский клуб стал непопулярен; бульварные франты искали столкновений с якобинцами, проникали с бранью и угрозами в их заседания; замечалось сильное раздражение против них и в простом народе. Производившееся в конвенте дело Каррье , бывшего террориста-палача Бретани , ускорило развязку. Каррье играл большую роль в клубе, который за него вступился. 9 ноября должно было слушаться в конвенте дело Каррье; густая толпа окружала его с криками: «долой якобинцев». Дело было отложено, но толпа не расходилась, а вечером двинулась к клубу с пением враждебной якобинцам песни «Пробуждение народа». Толпа стала бросать камни в окна, а вооружённые дубинами ворвались на галереи и стали оттуда выгонять зрителей, преимущественно женщин; драма происходила и на дворе клуба, и в близлежащих улицах, пока не прибыли члены конвента и комитетов с вооружённой силой. Через несколько дней двери клуба были опечатаны.

Чтобы уничтожить саму память о клубе, конвент постановил сломать Якобинский монастырь и устроить на его месте «рынок 9 термидора». Теперь он носит название «рынок Сент-Онорэ» (Marché St.-Honoré), по улице этого имени.

После роспуска конвента в 1795 году члены бывшего клуба дважды пытались вновь организоваться. Сначала они образовали клуб Пантеона , который пользовался покровительством директории и быстро разросся до 2000 членов; но так как этот клуб поддался социалистической пропаганде Бабёфа , то был закрыт уже 28 февраля 1796 года. Когда столкновения между директорией и советами создали благоприятную почву для возобновления якобинской агитации, якобинцы организовали новый « Клуб Манежа », открывшийся 6 июля 1799 года и прославлявший в патетических речах память Бабёфа и Робеспьера . Это тотчас вызвало новые драки, во время которых толпа брала сторону клубистов. 13 августа клуб был закрыт по распоряжению Сийеса .

Дата создания и устав

Точно дата открытия клуба в Париже — в декабре 1789-го или январе следующего года — не известна. Устав его был составлен Барнавом и принят клубом 8 февраля 1790 года.

Членство

Не известно (так как сначала не велись протоколы заседаний), когда стали принимать в число членов посторонних, то есть не-депутатов.

Когда число членов разрослось, организация клуба значительно усложнилась. Во главе стоял председатель, избиравшийся на месяц; при нём было четыре секретаря, двенадцать инспекторов, и, что особенно характерно для этого клуба, четыре цензора; все эти должностные лица избирались на три месяца: при клубе было образовано пять комитетов, указывающих на то, что самый клуб принял на себя как бы роль политического цензора по отношению к Национальному собранию и Франции — комитеты по представлению (цензуре) членов, по надзору (Surveillance), по администрации, по докладам и по переписке. Сначала заседания происходили три раза в неделю, затем ежедневно; публика стала допускаться на заседания лишь с 12 октября 1791 года, то есть уже при Законодательном собрании .

В это время число членов клуба достигло 1211 (по голосованию в заседании 11 ноября). Ещё раньше (с 20 мая 1791 года) клуб перенёс свои заседания в церковь Якобинского монастыря, которую он нанял по упразднении ордена и конфискации его имущества и в которой заседания происходили до закрытия клуба. Вследствие наплыва не-депутатов изменился состав клуба: он стал органом того общественного слоя, который французы называют la bourgeoisie lettrée («интеллигенция»); большинство состояло из адвокатов, врачей, учителей, учёных, литераторов, живописцев, к которым примыкали и лица из купечества.

Некоторые из его членов носили известные имена: врач Кабанис , учёный Ласепед , литератор Мари-Жозеф Шенье , Шодерло де Лакло , живописцы Давид и Карл Верне , Лагарп , Фабр д'Эглантин , Мерсье . Хотя с большим наплывом членов умственный уровень и образование прибывающих понижались, однако парижский Якобинский клуб до конца сохранил две первоначальных черты: докторальность и некоторую внимание к образовательному цензу. Это выразилось в антагонизме по отношению к клубу Кордельеров , куда принимались люди даже безграмотные, а также в том, что самое вступление в Якобинский клуб обусловливалось довольно высоким членским взносом (24 ливра ежегодно, а при вступлении ещё 12 ливров).

Впоследствии при Якобинском клубе было организовано особое отделение под названием «братское общество для политического воспитания народа», куда допускались и женщины; но это не изменило общего характера клуба.

Newspaper

Клуб обзавелся собственной газетой; редактирование её было поручено Шодерло де Лакло, близкому к герцогу Орлеанскому ; саму газету стали называть «Монитёром» орлеанизма. В этом обнаружилась известная оппозиция по отношению к Людовику XVI ; тем не менее Якобинский клуб сохранял верность провозглашённому в его названии политическому принципу.

Политическое революционное течение радикального толка — якобинизм — пережило Якобинский клуб и продолжает жить в истории. Сегодня «якобинизм» или «якобинец» относится к широкому спектру определений: неделимость национального суверенитета и независимость, роль государства в трансформации общества, централизация государства, равенство, гарантированное универсальностью права, духовное обновление через республиканское образование ^[17] . Якобинизм призывал общество отбросить старые табу и направить свободу мысли служению нации. В этом европейские монархии не ошибались. Якобинская республика являлась символом тотальной борьбы против всякой формы угнетения, и консервативная Европа пыталась оградить себя от «французской эпидемии». «Якобинец» стал синонимом с «демократом». В Британии было чувство, что вернулись левеллеры из их собственной революции. В разделённой Польше и в Габсбургской империи народы видели в якобинизме обещание и стремление к освобождению. Нелегально или открыто, клубы основывались от Турции до Соединённых Штатов. Некоторые даже искали аффилиацию с Парижским клубом ^[18] .

Якобинизм как политическое течение вызывал, вызывает и будет вызывать различные эмоции и отношение; для сторонников — лучшее в революции, для противников — худшее. В 1796 году Бабёф попытался мобилизовать ностальгию по якобинской республике II года в Заговоре Равных ( фр. Conjuration des Égaux ), который был и нео-якобинским и прото-коммунистическим. В этом же году Жозеф де Местр опубликовал "Рассуждения о Франции" ( фр. Considérations sur la France ), в которых представлял революцию как событие непревзойдённого беззакония и якобинцев орудием божьего наказания. Благодаря способности якобинизма воплотить в себе самое радикальное в революции, якобинизм дошёл до нас в легенде, теории, практике и революционной традиции; как и в истории клуб навсегда остался «обществом друзей Свободы и Равенства» ^[19] .

• Клубы времён революции
• Монтаньяры

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